1 t
;
50 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. n. on^ « more virtue and abilities than the miniftry ~^T "poflefled."
By fome fteps taken by adminiftration pre- vious to the prelent period, there was reafon to fuppole that they were themfelves apprehenfive, that their fyftem for governing the colonies in a more arbitrary manner would give great of- fence, and create difturbances of fo alarming a nature, that perhaps the aid of military power might become neceilary to enforce the comple- tion of their defigns. Doubtlcfs it was with a view of facilitating the new projects, that an extraordinary bill had been palled in*parliament, making it lawful for the officers of the Britifh army to quarter their troops in private houfes throughout the colonies. Thus while mixed in every family, it might become more eafy to awe the people into fubmiflion, and compel them by military terrors to the baieft compli- ances. But the colony agents refiding in Lon- don, and the merchants concerned in the Amer- ican trade, remonftratcd fo warmly againft the injuftice and cruelty of fuch a procedure, that a part of the bill was dropped. Yet it was too important a point wholly to relinquish ; of confequence a claufe was left, obliging the fev- eral legiflative afiemblies to provide quarters for the king's marching regiments, and to fur- nifh a number of Specified articles at the ex- penfe of the province, wherever they might be ftationed.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
51
1767.
This act continued in full force after the CHAP " ftamp-acl: was repealed, though it equally mili- tated with that part of the Britifh conftitution which provides that no monies mould be raifed on the fubject without his confent. Yet rath- er than enter on a new difpute, the colonifts in general chofe to evade it for the prefent, and without many obfervations thereon had occa- sionally made fome voluntary provifions for the fupport of the king's troops. It was hoped the act. might be only a temporary expedient to hold up the authority of parliament, and that in a fhort time the claim might die of itfelf without any attempt to revive fuch an unrea- fonable demand. But New York, more explicit in her refufal to obey, was fufpended from all powers of legiflation until the quartering acT: fhould be complied with in the fulleft extent. By this unprecedented treatment of one of the colonies, and the innumerable exactions and reftrictions on all, a general apprehenfion pre- vailed, that nothing but a firm, vigorous and united refiftance could fliield from the attacks that threatened the total extinction of civil lib- erty through the continent.
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HISTORY
OF THE
RISE, PROGRESS AND TERMINATION
AMERICAN REVOLUTION
INTERSPERSED WITH
Biographical, Political and Moral Obfervations.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
-~.r4-
BY MRS. MERCY WARREN,
OF PLTMOUTH, (MASS.)
Troubled or. every fide
prrplejttd, but not in despair ; persecuted, but not foriakf u ;
v»n down, but not destroyed. ST. Pdl'l,
O God ! thv arm was here.™
And not to as, out to tby aim alone,
A.tribe we all. SHAK,J>,SPfiJJlB*
vox;, u
BOSTON : PRINTED BY MANNING AND LORING,
For E. LARK IN, No. 47, Cornhill,
1805^
SO
TKi N'EW YORK
PUBLIC LIBRARY
«i!OK, .ENOX »NC
THOI-.S •.: *TQHi.
P. 1013 b
District of Massachusetts, to tuit.
BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the eleventh day of Fclv juary, in the thirtieth year of the independence of the United Si America, Mercy Warren, of the faid dillrift, hath depoi: this office the title of a Book, the right whereof fhe claims as author, in the words following, to wit .' — " Hi STORY oj Iht R , Progrefs and " Termination of the American- R e V oi.r i io.v. Intt rff er " Biographical, Politico/ and Moral Obfervations. In Three. Volumes. " By Mrs. Mercy Wa r r e n, of Plymouth, (MafJ.y'
In conformity to the aft of the congrefs of the United States, entitled, " An aft for the encouragement of learning, by Teeming the copies of " maps, charts, and books, to the authors and propiietors of fuch copies, " during the times therein mentioned ;" and alfo to an aft, entitled, " An aft fupplementary to an aft, entitled, ' An aft for the ei.couragc- " ment of learning, by fecuring the copies of maps, charts, and bool.s, to " the authors and proprietors of fuch copies, during the times therein " mentioned ;' and extending the benefits thereoi to the arts of defigning, " enslaving, and etching hiftorical and other prints."
N. GOODALE, Clerk of the DiJlriB of Majfachufetts.
A true Copy of Record. Attcfl :
N. Good am, CLrk.
AN ADDRESS
Inhabitants of the United States of America.
l\T a period when every manly arm was occupied, and every trait of.talent or activity en- gaged, either in the cabinet or the field, apprehenfive, that amidft the fudden convulfions, crowded fcenes, and rapid changes, that flowed in quick fucceflion, many circumftanccs might efcape the more bufy and active members of fociety, I have been induced to im- prove the leifure Providence had lent, to record as they paffed, in the following pages, the new and unexperi- enced events exhibited in a land previoufly blcfled with peace, liberty, limplicity, and virtue.
As circumftances^were^ollectedj ra$j .Related, and characters drawn, niaiiy' years antecedent to any hiftory fince published, relative tc, t.'iaAufuic .mberment of the colonies, and to American inuependepre, there are few allufions to any later writer. , >'. -
Connected by nature, friend (hip, and every fecial tie, with many of the fir ft patriots, and molt influential characters on the continent ; in the habits of confiden- tial and epiftolary intercourfe with feveral gentlemen employed abroad in the molt diftinguifhed ftations, and with others fince elevated to the higheft grades of rank
IV AN ADDRESS.
and distinction, I had the beft means of information, through a long period that the colonies were in fuf- penfe, waiting the operation of foreign courts, and the fuccefs of their own enterprifing fpirit.
The folemnity that covered every countenance, when contemplating the fword uplifted, and the horrors of civil war rufhing to habitations not inured to fcenes of rapine and mifery •, even to the quiet cottage, where only concord and affection had reigned ; ftimulated to obfervation a mind that had not yielded to the afTer- tion, that all political attentions lay out of the road of female life.
It is true there are certain appropriate duties afligned to eachfexj and doubtlefs it is the more peculiar province of mafculine Strength, not only to repel the bold in- vader of the rights of his country and of mankind, but in the nervous ftyle of manly eloquence, to defcribe the blood-ftained field, and relate the ftory of flaughtered armies.
Sensible of this, the trembling heart has recoiled at the magnitude of the undertaking, and the hand often fhrunk back«fr©m fche.taik.; y&t,.,, recollecting that every domeftic eajqytriejic 'depends oftTt&C unimpaired pofTef- fion of civil and T.e}igipv.s;tiheir.ty, that a concern for the welfare of fociety-'oughv, Equally to glow in every hu- man breaft, the; V'crk'. w^ nt>c rejinquiflied. The mofl interefting circ'urhltahce's'weJrer collected, active charac- ters portrayed, the principles of the times developed, and the changes marked ; nor need it caule a blufh to acknowledge, a detail was preferved with a view of tranfmitting it to the rifing youth of my country, fome of them in infancy, others in the European world, while the moft interefting events lowered over their native land.
AN ADDRESS.
Confclous that truth has been the guide of my pen, and candor, as well as juftice, the accompaniment of my wifhes through every page, I can fay, with an ingenious writer, " I have ufed my pen with the liberty " of one, who neither hopes nor fears, nor has any in- " tereft in the fuccefs or failure of any party, and who tc fpeaks to posterity — perhaps very far remote."
The fympathizing heart has looked abroad and wept the many victims of affliction, inevitably fuch in confe- quence of civil feuds and the concomitant miferies of war, either foreign or domeftic. The reverfes of life, and the inftability of the world, have been viewed on the point of both extremes. Their delufory nature and character, have been contemplated as becomes the phi- lofopher and the chriftian : the one teaches us from the analogies of nature, the neceflity of changes, decay, and death ; the other ftrengthens the mind to meet them with the rational hope of revival and renovation.
Several years have elapfed fince the hiftorical tra<fl :, now with diffidence fubmitted to the public, have been arranged in their prefent order. Local circumfhnces, the decline of health, temporary deprivations of fight, the death of the moft amiable of children, " the ihaft « flew thrice, and thrice my peace was fl.iin," have fometimes prompted to throw by the pen in defpair. I draw a veil over the woe-fraught fcenes that have pierc- ed my own heart. " While the foul was melting in- " wardly, it has endeavoured to fupport outwardly, with u decency and dignity, thole accidents which admit of « no redrefs, and to exert that fpirit that enables I " the better of thofe that do."
Not indifferent to the opinion of the world, nor fervileiy courting its fmiles, no furthe offer-
c for the attempt] though many may be neceffary, for the incomplete execution of a defign, that had rectitude for it. bails, and a beneficent regard for the civil religious rights t id, for its motive.
The Liberal-minded will penile with candor, rather
than criticife with feverity; nor will they think it ne-
ceflary, that any apology fhould be offered, tor fbme-
times introducing- characters I nnected \
author of the following annals ; were early and
to the public caufe, uniform in their
iftantly active in the great fcenes that
iced the revolution, and obtained independence for
their country, truth precludes thatreferve which might
have been proper on It 3 tant occafions, and for-
to pals over in filence the names of fuch as expired
before the condor, was tiniihed, or have fince retired
n public fcenes. The hiftorian has never laid alkie
the tendernefs of the lex or the friend ; at the lame
ill occafions, that the city fhould govern her heart, and the moil ft impartiality be the guide oi her pen.
]i the work fhould be fo far ufeful or entertaining, as itainthe (auction of the generous and virtuous part i immunity, I cannot but be highly gratified and umply rewarded for the effort, foothed at the fair.. . that the motives were juftifiable i of Omnifcience. Then, if it fhould not efcape the reinarl enfure of party, I ihall
feel no wound to my fenfibility, but repofe on my pillow r, —
" V
IV:. Idrefs to ny c iti ymen is do
w centurv has da
AN ADDRi VII
upon us, the mind is naturally led to contemplate the great events that have run parallel with, and have juft clofed the laft. From the revolutionary foirit of the times, the vaft improvements in fcience, arts, and agri- culture, the boldnefs of genius that marks the age, the inveftigation of new theories, and the changes in the _ political, civil, and religious characters of men, fucceed- ing generations have rcafon to expect frill more afton- iihing exhibitions in the next. In the mean time, Providence has clearly pointed out the duties of tl prefent generation, particularly the paths which Ameri- cans ought to tread. The United States form a young republic, a confederacy which ought ever to be cement- ed by a union of interefts and affection, under the influence of thofe principles which obtained their inde- pendence. Thei'e have indeed, at certain periods, appeared to be in the wane ; but let them never be eradicated, by the jarring interefts of parties, jcalouli of the fifter ftates, or the ambition of individuals ! It has been obferved, by a writer of celebrity,* that " that " people, government, and conftitutionisthe freeft,which " makes the beft provifion for the enacting of expedient " and falutary laws." May this truth be evinced to all ages, by the wile and falutary laws that fhall be enacted in the federal legiflaturc of America !
May the hands of the executive of their own choice, be ftrengthened more by the unanimity and affection of the people, than by the dread of penal inflictions, or any reftraints that might reprefs free inquiry, relative to the principles of their own government, and the conduct of its adminiftrators ! The world is now view- ing America, as experimenting a new fyftem of govern- ment, a FEDERAL REPUBLIC, including a territory to which the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland
*P - ' phy.
Mill AN ADDRIioS.
bear little proportion. The practicability of fupporting fuch a fyftem, has been doubted by fome ; if Ihe fuc- ceeds, it will refute the afTcrtion, that none but fmall ftates are adapted to republican government ; if fhe does not, and the union lhould be diffolved, fome am- bitious fon of Columbia, or fome foreign adventurer, allured by the prize, may wade to empire through feas of blood, or the friends of monarchy may fee a number of petty defpots, ftretching their fceptres over the dis- jointed parts of the continent. Thus by the mandate of a fingle Sovereign, the degraded Subjects of one ftate, under the bannerets of royalty, may be dragged to fheathe their fvvords in the bofoms of the inhabitants of another.
The ftate of the public mind, appears at prefent to be prepared to weigh thefe reflections with folemnity, and to receive with plealure an effort to trace the origin of the American revolution, to review the characters that effected it, and to juftify the principles of the defection and final feparation from the parent ftate. With an expanded heart, beating with high hopes of the continued freedom and profperity of America, the writer indulges a modeft expectation, that the following pages will be perufed with kindnefs and candor : this flie claims, both in consideration of her fex, the up- rightnefs of her intentions, and the fervency of her wifhes for the happinefs of all the human race.
MERCY WARREN.
Ply m out h , (Ma s := .) £ March j 1805. ^
CONTENTS OF VOLUME FIRST.
4
CHAPTER I. Introductory Obfervations. 1
CHAPTER II.
The Stamp-Ad. — A Congrefs convened at New York, One thouiand feven hundred and fixty-five. — The
Stamp-Aft repealed. — New Grievance* Sufpen-
(ion of the Legiflature of New York. 27
CHAPTER III.
Curfory Obfervations. — Ma/Tachufetts Circular Letter. — A new Houfe of Reprefentatives called. — Gover- nor Bernard impeached. — A Riot on the Seizure of a Velfel. — Troops applied for to protect the King's Officers. — A Convention at BoRon. — Troops arrive. — A Combination againft all Commerce with Great Britain. — A General AiFembly convened at Bolton—* removed to Cambridge.-^Governor Bernard, after .bis Impeachment, repairs to England. 5%
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
Chara&er of Mr. Hutchinfon — appointed Governor of Maflachufetts The attempted Aflaffmation of Mr- Otis. — Tranfaftions on the fifth of March, one thou- fand feven hundred and fevcnty.— Arrival of the Eaft India Company's Tea-Ships — Eflablifhment of Committees of Correfpondencc. — The Right of Par- liamentary Taxation without Reprefentation, urged
by Mr. Hutchinfon Articles of Impeachment,
refolved on in the Houfe of Reprefentatives, againfl Governor Hutchinfon and Lieutenant Governor Oliver. — Chief Juflice of the Province impeached — Bofton Port-Bill. — Governor Hutchinfon leaves the Province. »8
CHAPTER V.
General Gage appointed Governor of Maflachufetts — General Aflembly meet at Salem. — A Propofal for a Congrefs from all the Colonies, to be convened at Philadelphia. — Mandamus Counfellors obliged to refign. — Refolutions of the General Congrefs — Occafional Obfervations — the Maflachufetts atten- tive to the military Difcipline of their Youth.— Suffolk Refolves. — A Provincial Congrefs chofen in the Maflachufetts. — Governor Gage fummons a new Houfe of Reprefentatives. 127
CHAPTER VI.
Parliamentary Divifions on American Affairs. — Cur- fory Obfervations and Events. — Meafures for raifing an Army of Obfervation by die four New England Governments of New Hampfhire, Maffachufetts, Rhode Ifland, and Connecticut — Battle of Lexing- ton Sketches of the Conduct and Characters of the
Governors of the fouthcrn Provinces. — Ticonderoga
CONTENTS. 2U
taken. — Arrival of Reinforcements from England. — Profcription and Characters of Samuel Adams and John Hancock, Efquires. — Battle of Bunker Hill. — Death and Character of General Jofeph Warren. — Maffachufetts adopt a ftable Form of Government. 1 70
CHAPTER VII.
A Continental Army — Mr. Wafhington appointed to
the Command General Gage recalled — fucceeded
by Sir William Howe. — Depredations on the Sea Coaft — Falmouth burnt. — Canadian Affairs.— Death and Character of General Montgomery. 229
CHAPTER VIII.
DifTenfions in the Britifli Parliament. — TV.ition of Governor Penn rejected. — Bofton evacuated. — Sir Henry Clinton fent to the Southward — followed by General Lee — his Character. — Sir Peter Parker's Attack on Sullivan's Ifland. General Howe's Ar- rival at Sandy Hook. — General Wafhington leaves Cambridge. — Obfervations on the Temper of fome of the Colonies. 272
CHAPTER IX.
Declaration of Independence. — Lord Howe's Arrival in America. — Action on Long Ifland. — Retreat of the Americans through the Jerfies, and the Lofs of the Forts Wafhington and Lee. — Affairs in Can- ada.— Surprife of the Helhans at Trenton. — Various Tranfaftions in the Jerfies. — General Howe's Re- treat— Makes Head-Quarters at Brunfwick — His Indecifion— - Some Traits of his Character. 305
CHAPTER X.
Defultory Circumftances. — Skirmifhes and Events. — General Howe withdraws from the Jerf.es — Arrives
xn CONTENTS.
at the River Elk — Followed by Waflnngton The
Battle of Brandywine. — General Washington de- feated, retreats to Philadelphia — Obliged to dravr off his Army. — Lord Corn^llis takes Pcffeinon of the City. — AcVion at Germantown, Red Bank, &c. — The Britifh Army take Winter-Quarters in Phila- delphia.— The Americans encamp at Valley-Forge. — General Wafnington's Situation not eligible. — Dc Lille's Letters. — General Conway reiigns. — The Baron de Steuben appointed Infpector General of the American Army. 364
APPENDIX. 403
THE
RISE, PROGRESS, <$c.
AMERICAN REVOLUTION-
chapter I.
Introductory Obfervations,
HISTORY, the depofite of crimes, and the record of every thing difgraceful or honorary to mankind, requires a juft knowledge of char- acter, to investigate the fources of action ; a clear comprehenfion, to review the combination of caufes ; and precifion of language, to detail the events that have produced the moft remarka- ble revolutions.
To analyze the fecret fprings that have ef* fected the progreflive changes in fociety ; to trace the origin of the various modes of gov- ernment, the confequent improvements in fci- ence, in morality, or the national tincture that vol. I. A
THE RISE AND PROGRESS 01
marks the manners of the people under defpotic or more liberal forms, is a bold and adventur- ous work.
The ftudy of the human character opens at once a beautiful and a deformed picture of the foul. We there find a noble principle implanted in the nature of man, that panes tor diltinction. This principle operates in every bofom, and when kept under the control of reafon, and the influence of humanity, it produces the moll benevolent eifects. But when the checks of confeience are thrown afidc, or the moral fenfe weakened by the ludden acquifition of wealth or power, humanity is obfeured, and if a favor- able coincidence of circumftances permits, this love of diltinction often exhibits the moil mor- tifying inltances of profligacy, tyranny, and the wanton exercife of arbitrary fway. Thus when we look over the theatre of human action, fcru- tinize the windings of the heart, and furvey the tranfactions of man from the earlieft to the pre- fent period, it mull be acknowledged that am- bition and avarice are the leading fprings which generally actuate the reftlcfs mind. From thefe primary fources of corruption have arifen all the rapine and confufion, the depredation and ruin, that have fpread diltrefs over the face of the earth from the days of Nimrod to Cefar, and from Cefar to an arbitrary prince of the houfe of Brunfwick.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
The indulgence of thefe turbulent paflions has depopulated cities, laid wafte the fineft terri- tories, and turned the beauty and harmony of the lower creation into an aceldama. Yet can- dor muft bear honorable teftimony to many fignal inftances of difinterefted merit among the children of men ; thus it is not poflible to pro- nounce decidedly on the chara&er of the politi- cian or the ftatefman till the winding up of the drama. To evince the truth of this remark, it is needlefs to adduce innumerable inftances of deception both in ancient and modern ftory. It is enough to obferve, that the fpecious Auguf- tus eftablifhed himfelf in empire by the appear- ance of juftice, clemency, and moderation, while the favage Nero mamelefsly weltered in the blood of the citizens ; but the fole object of each was to become the fovereisrn of life and
o
property, and to govern the Roman world with a defpotic hand.
Time may unlock the cabinets of princes, unfold the fecret negociations of ftatefmen, and hand down the immortal characters of dignified worth, or the blackened traits of finifhed vil- lany in exaggerated colours. But truth is moft likely to be exhibited by the general fenfe of contemporaries, when the feelings of the heart can be expreffed without fufTering itfelf to be difguifed by the prejudices of the man. Yet it is not eafy to convey to pofterity a juft idea of the embarrafled fituation of the weftern world,
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
previous to the rupture with Britain ; the dil- memberment of the empire, and the lofs of the mod induftrious, flourifhing, and perhaps virtu- ous colonies, ever planted by the hand of man.
The progrefs of the American Revolution has been fo rapid, and fuch the alteration of manners, the blending of characters, and the new train of ideas that almofl univerfally pre- vail, that the principles which animated to the nobleft exertions have been nearly annihilated. Many who firft ftepped forth in vindication of the rights of human nature are forgotten, and the caufes which involved the thirteen colonies in confufion and blood are fcarcely known, amidfl the rage of accumulation and the tafte for expen- sive pleafures that have fince prevailed ; a tafte that has abolifhed that mediocrity which once fatisfied, and that contentment which long mill- ed in every countenance. Luxury, the compan- ion of young acquired wealth, is ufually the con- fequence of oppofition to, or clofe connexion with, opulent commercial ftates. Thus the hurry of fpirits, that ever attends the eager pur- suit of fortune and a paflion for fplendid en- joyment, leads to forgetfulncfs ; and thus the inhabitants of America ceaie to look back with due gratitude and refpecT: on the fortitude and virtue of their anceftors, who, through difficul- ties almoft infurmountable, planted them in a happy foil. But the hiftorian and the philofo- pher will ever venerate the memory of thofe
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
pious and independent gentlemen, who, after fuffering innumerable impofitions, reftriclions, and penalties, lefs for political, than theological opinions, left England, not as adventurers for wealth or fame, but for the quiet enjoyment of religion and liberty.
The love of domination and an uncontrolled lull of arbitrary power have prevailed among all nations, and perhaps in proportion to the degrees of civilization. They have been equally confpicuous in the decline of Roman virtue, and in the dark pages of Britifh ftory. It- was thefe principles that overturned that ancient republic* It was thefe principles that frequently involved England in civil feuds. It was the refiftance to them that brought one of their monarchs to the block, and ftruck another from his throne. It was the prevalence of them that drove the firft fettlers of America from elegant habitations and affluent circumftances, to feek an afylum in the cold and uncultivated regions of the weftern world. OpprefTed in Britain by defpotic kings, and perfecuted by prelatic fury, they fled to a diftant country, where the defires of men were bounded by the wants of nature ; where civili- zation had not created thofe artificial cravings which too frequently break over every moral and religious tie for their gratification.
The tyranny of the Stuart race has long been proverbial in Englifh ftory : their efforts
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
to eftablifh an arbitrary fyftem of government began with the weak and bigoted reign of James the firft, and were continued until the excifion of his fon Charles. The contefts be- tween the Britifh parliament and this unfortu- nate monarch arofe to fuch an height, as to augur an alarming defection of many of the befl fubjefts in England. Great was their un- eafinefs at the Hate of public affairs, the arbi- trary ftretch of power, and the obftinacy of king Charles, who purfucd his own dcfpotic meafures in fpite of the oppofiticn of a number of gentlemen in parliament attached to the liber- ties and privileges of Englifhmen. Thus a fpirit of emigration adopted in the preceding reign be- gan to fpread with great rapidity through the nation. Some gentlemen endowed with talents to defend their rights by the moft cogent and refiftlefs arguments, were among the number who had taken the alarming resolution of feek- ing an afylum far from their natal foil, where they might enjoy the rights and privileges they claimed, and which they conlidered on the eve of annihilation at home. Amons: thefe were
o
Oliver Cromwell, afterwards protector, and a number of other Gfentlemen of diftino;uimed name, who had actually engaged to embark for New-England. This was a circumftance fo alarming to the court, that they were Hopped by an order of government, and by royal edict all further emigration was forbidden. The fpirit of colonization was not however much
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
impeded, nor the growth of the young planta- tions prevented, by the arbitrary resolutions of the court. It was but a fhort time after this effort to check them, before numerous Englifh. emigrants were fpread along the borders of the Atlantic from Plymouth to Virginia.
The independency with which thefe colonics a&ed ; the high promife of future advantage from the beauty and fertility of the country ; and, as was obferved foon after, " the profperous " ftate of their fettlements, made it to be con- " fidered by the heads of the puritan party in " England, many of whom were men of the " firft rank, fortune and abilities, as the fanchi- " ary of liberty."* The order above alluded to, indeed prevented the embarkation of the Lords Say and Brook, the Earl of Warwick, of Hampden, Pym, and many others, who, defpair- ing of recovering their civil and religious lib- erty on their native more, had determined to fecure it by a retreat to the New World, as it was then called. Patents were purchafed by others, within a fhort period after the prefent, who planted the thirteen American colonies with a fuccefsful hand. Many circumftances concurred to awaken the fpirit of adventure, and to draw out men, inured to fofter habits, to encounter the difficulties and dangers of plant- ing themfelves and families in the wildernefs.
* Univerfal Hiftorv.
THE RISE AND PROGRESS 01
The fpirit of party had thrown accumulated advantages into the hands of Charles the fecond, after his reftoration. The divifions and ani- mofities at court rendered it more eafy for him to purfue the fame fyftem which his father had adopted. Amidft the rage for pleafure, and the licentious manners that prevailed in his court, the complaifance of one party, the fears of- an- other, and the wearincfs of all, of the dificnfions and difficulties that hud arifen under the pro- tectorfhip of Cromwell, facilitated the meafures of the high monarchies, who continually im- proved their advantages to enhance the prerog- atives of the crown. The weak and bigoted conduct, of his brother James increafed the general uneafmefs of the nation, until his abdi- cation. Thus, through every fuccefiive reign of this line of the Stuarts, the colonies gained additional ftrength, by continual emigrations to the young American fettlements.
The firft colony of Europeans, permanently planted in North America, was by an handful of roving ftrangers, fickly, and neceflitated to de- bark on the firft land, where there was any promife of a quiet fubfiftence. Amidft the defpotifm of the firft branch of the houfe of Stuart, on the throne of Britain, and the ec- clefiaftical perfecutions in England, which fent many eminent characters abroad, a fmall com- pany of diffenters from the national eftablifh- ment left England, under the paftoral care of
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the pious and learned Mr. Robinfon, and reilded a fhort time in Holland, which they left in the beginning of autumn, one thoufand fix hun- dred and twenty.
After a long and hazardous voyage, they landed on the borders of an inhofpitable wil- dernefs, in the dreary month of December, amidft the horrors of a North American winter.* They were at firft received by the favage inhab- itants of the country with a degree of fimple humanity : They fmoked with them the calumet of peace ; purchafed a tract of the uncultivated wafte ; hutted on the frozen more, fheltered only by the lofty foreft, that had been left for ages to thicken under the rude hand of time. From this fmall beginning was laid the ftable foundations of thofe extenfive fettlements, that have fince fpread over the faireft quarter of the globe.
Virginia, indeed, had been earlier difcovered by Sir Walter Raleigh, and a few men left there by him, to whom additions under various ad- venturers were afterwards made ; but, by a feries of misfortunes and mifconduct, the plan- tation had fallen into fuch diforder and diftrefs, that the enterprife was abandoned. The fate of thofe left there by this great and good man has never been known with certainty: It is
* Appendix, Note, No. I.
VOL. I. B
10 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
^_^__ probable moil of them were murdered by the favages ; and the remnant, if any there were, became incorporated with the barbarous na- tions.
There was afterwards a more fuccefsful effort for the fettlement of a colony in Virginia. In the beginning of the feventeenth century Lord Delaware was appointed Governor, and with him a confiderable number of emigrants arrived from England. But his health was not equal to a refidence in a rude and uncultivated wil- dernefs ; he foon returned to his native country, but left his fon, with Sir Thomas Gates and feveral other enterprifing gentlemen, who pur- fued the project: of an eftablifhment in Virginia, and began to build a town on James-River, in the year one thoufand fix hundred and fix. Thus was that ftate entitled to the prefcriptive term of the Old Dominion, which it ftill retains. But their difficulties, misfortunes and difappoint- ments, long prevented any permanent confti- tution or ftable government, and they fcarcely deferved the appellation of a regular colony, until a confiderable time after the fettlement in Plymouth, in one thoufand fix hundred and twenty.
The difcovery of the New World had opened a wide field of enterprife, and feveral other pre- vious attempts had been made by Europeans to obtain fettlements therein ; yet little of a per-
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
manent nature was effected, until the patience . and perfeverance of the Leyden fufferers laid the foundation of focial order.
This fmall company of fettlers, after wan- dering fome time on the frozen fhore, fixed themfelves at the bottom of the Maffachufetts Bay. Though difpirited by innumerable dif- couraging circumftances, they immediately en- tered into engagements with each other to form themfelves into a regular fociety, and drew up a covenant, by which they bound themfelves to Submit to order and fubordination.
Their jurifprudence was marked with wifdom and dignity, and their fimplicity and piety were difplayed equally in the regulation of their police, the nature of their contracts, and the punctuality of obfervance. The old Plymouth colony remained for fome time a diftinct gov- ernment. They chofe their own magiftrates, independent of all foreign control ; but a few years involved them with the Maffachufetts, of which, Bofton, more recently fettled than Plymouth, was the capital.
From the local fituation of a country, fep- arated by an ocean of a thoufand leagues from the parent ftate, and furrounded by a world of favages, an immediate compact with the King of Great Britain was thought neceffary. Thus, a charter was early granted, ftipulating on the
11
12 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OP
^I_L_ part of the crown, that the Maffachufetts fhould have a legifiative body within itfelf, compofed of three branches, and fubjecl: to no control, except his Majefty's negative, within a limited term, to any laws formed by their affembly that might be thought to militate with the general intereft of the realm of England. The Governor was appointed by the crown, the reprefentative body, annually chofen by the people, and the council elected by the reprefentatives from the people at large.
Though more liberal charters were granted to fome of the colonies, which, after the firft fettle- ment at Plymouth, rapidly fpread over the face of this new difcovered country, yet modes of gov- ernment nearly fimilar to that of Maffachufetts were eftabliihed in moft of them, except Mary- land and Pennfylvania, which were under the direction of particular proprietors. But the corrupt principles which had been fafhionable in the voluptuous and bigoted courts of the Stu- arts, foon followed the emigrants in their diftant retreat, and interrupted the eftablifhments of their civil police ; which, it may be obferved, were a mixture of Jewifh theocracy, monarchic government, and the growing principles of republicanifm, which had taken root in Britain as early as the days of Elizabeth.
It foon appeared that there was a ftrong party in England, who wifhed to govern the colonifts
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 13
with a rigorous hand. They difcovered their ^Ll_ inclinations by repeated attempts to procure a revifion, an alteration, and a refumption or charters, on the moft frivolous pretences.
It is true, an indifcreet zeal, with regard to feveral religious fectaries, which had early in- troduced themfelves into the young fettlements, gave a pretext to fome feverities from the parent ftate. But the conduct of the firft plant- ers of the American colonies has been held up by fome ingenious writers in too ludicrous a light. Yet while we admire their perfevering and felf-denying virtues, we muft acknowledge that the illiberality and weaknefs of fome of their municipal regulations have caft a fhade over the memory of men, whofe errors arofe more from the falhion of the times, and the dangers which threatened them from every fide, than from any deficiency either in the head or the heart. But the treatment of the Quakers in the MafTachufetts can never be juftiiied either by the principles of policy or humanity.* The demeanor of thefe people was, indeed, in many inftances, not only ridiculous, but diforderly and
* However cenfurable the early fettlers in New England were, in their feverities towards the Quakers and other non- conforming, they might think their condudt in fome degree fancf ioned by the example of their parent ftate, and the rigours exercifed in other parts of the European world at that time, againft all denominations which differed from the religious enablifhments of government.
14 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
fHAl' r atrocious ; yet an indelible ftain will be left on the names of thofe, who adjudged to imprifon- ment, confifcation and death, a feet made con- fiderable only by oppofition.
In the ftory of the fufferings of thefe enthu- fiafts, there has never been a juft difcrimination between the fectaries denominated Quakers, who firft vifited the New England fettlements, and the affociates of the celebrated Penn, who, having received a patent from the crown of England, fixed his refidence on the borders of the Delaware. He there reared, with aftonifh- ing rapidity, a flouriftiing, induftrious colony, on the moft benevolent principles. The equality of their condition, the mildnefs of their deport- ment, and the fimplicity of their manners, encouraged the emigration of hufbandmen, artizans and manufacturers from all parts of Europe. Thus was this colony foon raifed to diftinguiflied eminence, though under a propri- etary government.* But the fectaries that in- fefted the more eaftern territory were generally loofe, idle and refractory, aiming to introduce
*Mr. Penn publifhed a fyftem of government, on which it has been obferved, " that the introductory piece is per- " haps the moft extraordinary compound that ever was " publifhed, of enthufiafm, found policy, and good fenfe." The author tells us, " It was adapted to the great end of " all government, viz. to fupport power in reverence with " the people, and to fecure the people from the abufe of "power." Mod. Un. Hid. Vol. 41. p. 5.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 15
confufion and licentioufnefs rather than the CUAF' r" eftablifhment of any regular fociety. Excluded from Bofton, and banimed the Maflachufetts, they repaired to a neighboring colony, lefs tenacious in religious opinion, by which the growth of Rhode Ifland and Providence Planta- tions was greatly facilitated.
The fpirit of intolerance in the early itages of their fettlements was not confined to the New England puritans, as they have in derifion been ftyled. In Virginia, Maryland, and fome other colonies, where the votaries of the church of England were the ftronger party, the difTenters of every defcription were perfecuted, with little lefs rigour than had been experienced by the Quakers from the Prefbyterians of the Mafla- chufetts. An act palled in the aflembly of Vir- ginia, in the early days of her legiflation, making it penal " for any mailer of a veflel to bring a " Quaker into the province." " The inhabitants " were inhibited from entertaining any perfon " of that denomination. They were imprifoned, " banifhed, and treated with every mark of fe- " verity (hort of death."*
It is natural to fuppofe a fociety of men who had fuffered fo much from a fpirit of religious bigotry, would have ftretched a lenient hand towards any who might differ from themfelves, either in mode or opinion, with regard to the
* Hiftory of Virginia.
16 THE RI&E AND PROfctlESS OF
CHA1, '• worfhip of the Deity. But from a Grange propenfity in human nature to reduce every thing within the vortex of their own ideas, the fame intolerant and perfecuting fpirit, from which they had fo recently fled, difcovered itfelf in thofe bold adventurers, who had braved the dangers of the ocean and planted themfelves in a wildernefs, for the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty.
In the cool moments of reflection, both hu- manity and philofophy revolt at the diabolical difpofition, that has prevailed in almoft every country, to perfecute fuch as either from educa- tion or principle, from caprice or cuflom, refufe to fubferibe to the religious creed of thofe, who, by various adventitious circumftances, have ac- quired a degree of fuperiority or power.
It is rational to believe that the benevolent Author of nature defigned univerfal happinefs as the bafis of his works. Nor is it unphilo- fophical to fuppofe the difference in human fentiment, and the variety of opinions among mankind, may conduce to this end. They may be permitted, in order to improve the faculty of thinking, to draw out the powers of the mind, to exercife the principles of candor, and learn us to wait, in a becoming manner, the full difclofure of the fyftem of divine gov- ernment. Thus, probably, the variety in the formation of the human foul may appear to be
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 17
fuch, as to have rendered it impoffible for man- CIIAP- *• kind to think exactly in the fame channel. The contemplative and liberal minded man muft, therefore, blufh for the weaknefs of his own fpecies, when he fees any of them endeavouring to circumfcribe the limits of virtue and happi- nefs within his own contracted fphere, too often darkened by fuperftition and bigotry.
The modern improvements in fociety, and the cultivation of reafon, which has fpread its benign influence over both the European and the American world, have nearly eradicated this perfecuting fpirit ; and we look back, in both countries, mortified and afhamed of the illiberality of our anccftors. Yet fuch is the elafticity of the human mind, that when it has been long bent beyond a certain line of propri- ety, it frequently flies off to the oppofite extreme. Thus there may be danger, that in the enthu- fiafm for toleration, indifference to all religion may take place.* Perhaps few will deny that religion, viewed merely in a political light, is after all the bell cement of fociety, the great barrier of juft government, and the only cer-
* Since thefe annals were written this obfervation has " been fully verified in the impious fentiments and conduct of feveral members of the national Convention of France, who, after the dilfolution of monarchy, and the abolition of the privileged orders, were equally zealous for the de- finition of the altars of God, and the annihilation of all religion.
VOL. I. C
18 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
^_|____ tain reftraint of the paflions, thofe dangerous inlets to licentiouihefs and anarchy.
It has been obferved by an ingenious wri- ter, that there are profelytes from atheifm, but none from fuperftition. Would it not be more juft to reverfe the obfervation ? The narrow- nefs of fuperftition frequently wears off, by an intercourfe with the world, and the fubjecls become ufeful members of fociety. But the hardinefs of atheifm fets at defiance both hu- man and divine laws, until the man is loft to himfelf and to the world.
A curfory furvey of the religious ftate of America, in the early ftages of colonization, re- quires no apology. It is neceflary to obferve, the animofities which arofe among themfelves on external forms of worfhip, and different modes of thinking, were moft unfortunate cir- cumftances for the infant fettlements ; more efpecially while kept in continual alarm by the natives of the vaft uncultivated wilds, who foon grew jealous of their new inmates. It is true, that Maffafoit, the principal chief of the north, had received the ftrangers with the fame mild- nefs and hofpitality that marked the conduct, of Montezuma at the fouth, on the arrival of the Spaniards in his territories. Perhaps the differ- ent demeanor of their fons, Philip and Guati- mozin, was not the refult of more hoftile or heroic difpofitions than their fathers poffeffed. It more probably arofe from an apprehenfion of
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 19
the invafion of their rights, after time had giv- CHAP- *• en them a more perfect knowledge of the tem- per of their guefts.
It may be a miftake, that ?nan, in a ftate of na- ture, is more difpofed to cruelty than cougrtefy. Many inftances might be adduced to prove the contrary. But when once awakened to fufpi- cion, that either his life or his intereft is in dan- ger, all the black paflions of the mind, with revenge in their rear, rife up in array.* It is an undoubted truth, that both the rude favage and the poliftied citizen are equally tenacious of their pecuniary acquifitions. And however mankind may have trifled away liberty, virtue, religion, or life, yet when the firft rudiments of fociety have been eftablifhed, the right of pri- vate property has been held facred. For an attempt to invade the poffeilions each one de- nominates bis ozvn, whether it is made by the rude hand of the favage, or by the refinements of ancient or modern policy, little fhort of the blood of the aggreflbr has been thought a fuf- ficient atonement. Thus, the purchafe of their commodities, the furs of the foreft, and the alienation of their lands for trivial confidera- tions ; the affumed fuperiority of the Euro- peans ; their knowledge of arts and war, and
* A celebrated writer has obferved, that " moral evil M is foreign to man, as well as phyfical evil ; that both the " one and the other fpring up out of deviations from the law «« of nature."
20 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CHAP- '• perhaps their fupercilious deportment towards the aborigines might awaken in them juft fears of extermination. Nor is it ftrange that the natural principle of felf-defence operated ftrong- ly in their minds, and urged them to hoftilities that often reduced the young colonies to the utmofl danger and diftrefs.
But the innumerable fwarms of the wilder- nefs, who were net driven back to the vaft interior region, were foon fwept off by the fword or by ficknefs, which remarkably raged among them about the time of the arrival of the Englifh.* The few who remained were qui- eted by treaty or by conqueft : after which, the inhabitants of the American colonies lived many years perhaps as near the point of felicity as the condition of human nature will admit.
The religious bigotry of the firft. planters, and the temporary ferments it had occafioned, fubfid- ed, and a fpirit of candor and forbearance every where took place. They feemed, previous to the rupture with Britain, to have acquired that juft and happy medium between the ferocity of
* The Plymouth fettlers landed the twenty-fecond of December, but faw not an Indian until die thirty-firit of January. This was afterwards accounted for by the in- formation of Samofet, an Indian chief who vifited them, and told them the natives on the borders had been all fwept away by a peftilence that raged among them three or four years before.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 21
a ftate of nature, and thofe high ftages of civili- CHA1'' l' zation and refinement, that at once corrupt the heart and fap the foundation of happinefs. The fobriety of their manners and the purity of their morals were exemplary ; their piety and hofpitality engaging ; and the equal and lenient adminiftration of their government fecured au- thority, fubordination, juftice, regularity and peace. A well-informed yeomanry and an en- lightened peafantry evinced the early attention of the firft fettlers to domeftic education. Pub- lic fchools were eftablifhed in every town, par- ticularly in the eaftern provinces, and as early as one thoufand fix hundred and thirty -eight, Harvard College was founded at Cambridge.*
In the fouthern colonics, it is true, there was not that general attention to early inftruclion ; the children of the opulent planters only were educated in England, while the lefs affluent were neglected, and the common clafs of whites had little education above their Haves. Both knowledge and property were more equally divided in the colder regions of the north ; con- fequently a fpirit of more equal liberty was diffufed. While the almoft fpontaneous har- vefts of the warmer latitudes, the great number of flaves thought neceflary to fecure their pro-
* The elegant St. Pierre has obferved, that there are three periods through which mod nations pais ; the firft below nature, in the fecond they come up to her, and in the third, go beyond her.
22 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
C"AP' '• duce, and the eafy acquifition of fortune, nour- ished more ariftocratic principles. Perhaps it may be true, that wherever flavery is encour- aged, there are among the free inhabitants very high ideas of liberty ; though not fo much from a fenfe of the common rights of man, as from their own feelings of Superiority.
Democratic principles are the refult of equal- ity of condition. A Superfluity of wealth, and a train of domeftic flaves, naturally banifh a fenfe of general liberty, and nourifh the feeds of that kind of independence that ufually ter- minates in ariftocracy. Yet all America, from the firft emigrants to the prefent generation, felt an attachment to the inhabitants, a regard to the intereft, and a reverence for the laws and government of England. Thofe writers who have obferved, that " thefe principles had fcarce- " ly any exiftence in the colonies at the com- " mencement of the late war," have certainly miftaken the character of their country.
But unhappily both for Great Britain and America, the encroachments of the crown had gathered Strength by time ; and after the fuc- cefles, the glory, and the demife of George the fecond, the fceptre defcended to a prince, bred under the aufpices of a Scotch nobleman of the houfe of Stuart. Nurtured in all the inflated ideas of kingly prerogative, Surrounded by flat- terers and dependants, who always fwarm in
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 23
the purlieus of a palace, this mifguided fove- CHAr- '• reign, dazzled with the acquifition of empire, in the morning of youth, and in the zenith of national profperity ; more obftinate than cruel, rather weak than remarkably wicked, confider- ed an oppofition to the mandates of his minif- ters, as a crime of too daring a nature to hope for the pardon of royalty.
Lord Bute, who from the preceptor of the prince in the years of pupilage, had become the director of the monarch on the throne of Brit- ain, found it not difficult, by that fecret influ- ence ever exercifed by a favorite minifter, to bring over a majority of the houie of commons to co-operate with the defigns of the crown. Thus the parliament of England became the mere creature of adminiftration, and appeared ready to leap the boundaries of juftice, and to undermine the pillars of their own conftitution, by adhering ftedfaftly for lbveral years to a com- plicated fyftem of tyranny, that threatened the new world with a yoke unknown to their fathers.
It had ever been deemed eilential to the prefervation of the boafted liberties of Englifh- men, that no grants of monies mould be made, by tolls, talliage, excife, or any other way, with- out the confent of the people by their reprefent- ative voice. Innovation in a point fo intereiting might well be expecled to create a general fer-
24 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
'-"•"'• L ment through the American provinces. Num- berlefs reftrictions had been laid on the trade of the colonies previous to this period, and every method had been taken to check their enter- prifing fpirit, and to prevent the growth of their manufactures. Nor is it furprifing, that loud complaints mould be made when heavy exac- tions were laid on the fubjcct, who had not, and whofe local lituation rendered it impracticable that he mould have, an equal reprefentation in parliament.
What ftill heightened the refentment of the Americans, in the beginning of the great con- teft, was the reflection, that they had not only always fupported their own internal government with little expenfe to Great Britain ; but while a friendly union exifted, they had, on all occa- fions, exerted their utmoft ability to comply with every constitutional requifition from the parent Hate. We need not here revert further back than the beginning of the reign of George the third, to prove this, though earlier inftances might be adduced.
The extraordinary exertions of the colonies, in co-operation with Britifh meafures, againft the French, in the late war, were acknowledged by the Britifh parliament to be more than ad- equate to their ability. After the fucccfsful expedition to Louifburg, in one thoufand feven hundred and forty-five, the fum of two hundred
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 25
thoufand pounds fterling was voted by the com- caAP *■ mons, as a compenfation to fome of the colonies for their vigorous efforts, which were carried beyond their proportional ftrength, to aid the expedition.
Not contented with the voluntary aids they had from time to time received from the col- onies, and grown giddy with the luftre of their own power, in the plenitude of human grandeur, to which the nation had arrived in the long and fuccefsful reign of George the fecond, fuch weak, impolitic and unjuft meafures were purfued, on the acceflion of his grandfon, as foon threw the whole empire into the moil violent convulfions.
A more particular narrative of the firft fet- tlement of America ; their wars with the natives ; their diftrefles at home ; their per- plexities abroad ; and their difputes with the parent ftate, relative to grants, charters, privi- leges and limits, may be feen in the accounts of every hiftorical writer on the ftate of the colonies.* As this is not comprehended in the defign of the prefent work, the reader is referred to more voluminous, or more minute defcrip- tions of the events preceding the tranfactions, which brought forward a revolution, that eman-
* Thefe refearches have been fatisfaftorily made by feveral literary gentlemen, whofe talents were equal to the trie
VOL. I. D
26 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap i. cipated the colonies from the domination of the iceptre of Britain. This is a ftory of fo much intereft to the minds of every fon and daughter of America, endowed with the ability of reflect- ing, that they will not reluctantly haften to the. detail of tranfactions, that have awakened the attention and expectation of the millions among the nations beyond the Atlantic.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 27
CHAPTER II.
The Stamp-A& — A Congrefs convened at New-York, One thoufand feven hundred and fixty-five. — The Stamp-Ad: repealed. — New Grievances. — Sufpenfion of the Legiflature of New York.
1 HE project of an American taxation might have been longer meditated, but the memorable era of the ftamp-ac~t, in one thoufand feven hundred and fixty-four, was the firft innovation that gave a general alarm throughout the conti- nent. By this extraordinary act, a certain duty was to be levied on all bonds, bills of lading, public papers, and writings of every kind, for the exprefs purpofe of raifing a revenue to the crown. As foon as this intelligence was trans- mitted to America, an univerfal murmur Suc- ceeded ; and while the judicious and penetrating thought it time to make a refolute Hand againft the encroachments of power, the refentment of the lower claffes broke out into fuch exceffes of riot and tumult, as prevented the operation of the favorite project.
Multitudes afiembled in the principal towns and cities, and the popular torrent bore down all before it. The houfes of fome, who were the avowed abettors of the meafure, and of others, who were only fufpected as inimical to the liberties of America, in Bofton, in Newport,
28 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CHAP" Connecticut, and many other places, were rafed to the ground. The commiflioners of the ftamp- office were every where compelled to renounce their employments, and to enter into the moll folemn engagements to make no further attempts to act in this obnoxious bufinefs. At New York . the act was printed, and cried about the ftreets, under the title of " The folly of England, and the "ruin of America ." In Philadelphia the cannon were fpiked up, and the bells of the city, muf- fled, tolled from morning to evening, and every teftimony of fincere mourning was difplayed, on the arrival of the ftamp papers. Nor were any of the more fouthern colonies lefs oppofed to the operation of this act ; and the houfe of Bur- geffes, in Virginia, was the firft who formally refolved againft the encroachments of power, and the unwarrantable defigns of the Britifh parliament.
The novelty of their procedure, and the boldnefs of fpirit that marked the refolutions of that aflembly, at once aftonifhed and difcon- certed the officers of the crown, and the fup- porters of the meafures of adminiftration. Thefe refolves* were ufhered into the houfe, on the thirtieth of May, one thoufand, feven hundred and fixty-five, by Patrick Henry, efq. a young gentleman of the law, till then unknown in political life. He was a man, pofiefied of ftrong powers, much profeflional knowledge,
* Appendix, Note, No. II.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 29
and of fuch abilities as qualified him for the CHAPH- exigencies of the day. Fearlefs of the cry of « treafon,' echoed againft him from feveral quar- ters, he juftified the meafure, and fupported the refolves, in a fpeech, that did honor both to his understanding, and his patriotifm. The governor, to check the progrefs of fuch daring principles, immediately diffolved the affembly.
But the difpofition of the people was difcov- ered, when, on a new election, thofe gentlemen were every where re-chofen, who had ftiewn the moft firmnefs and zeal, in oppofition to the ftamp-acl. Indeed, from New Hampfhire to the Carolinas, a general averfion appeared againft this experiment of administration. Nor was the flame confined to the continent ; it had fpread to the infular regions, whofe inhabitants, conftitutionally more fanguine than thofe born in colder climates, difcovered ftronger marks of refentment, and prouder tokens of difobedience to minifterial authority. Thus feveral of the Weft India iflands mewed equal violence, in the deftru&ion of the ftamp papers, difguft at the acl:, and indignation towards the officers who were bold enough to attempt its execution. Nor did they at this period appear lefs deter- mined to refift the operation of all unconfti- tutional mandates, than the generous planters of the fouthern, or the independent fpirits of the northern colonies.
1764.
30 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
"""'"• When the general affembly of the Mafia-
17G4. chufetts met this year, it appeared that moft of the members of the houfe of reprefentatives had inftructions from their conftituents to make every legal and fpirited oppofition to the diftri- bution of the flamped papers, to the execution of the act in any form, and to every other par- liamentary infringement on the rights of the people of the colonies. A fpecimen of the fpirit of the times may be feen in a iingle inftance of thole inftructions, which were given to the rep- refentative of the town of Plymouth, the capital of the old colony.* Similar meafures were adopted in moft of the other provinces. In cenfequence of which, petitions from the re- fpeclive affemblies, replete with the ftrongeft expreftions of loyalty and affection to the king, and a regard to the Britifh nation, were pre- fented to his majefty, through the hands of the colonial agents.
The ferment was however too general, and the fpirits of the people too much agitated, to wait patiently the remit of their own applications. So univerfal was the refentment and difcontent of the people, that the more judicious and dif- creet characters were exceedingly apprehenftve that the general clamor might terminate in the extremes of anarchy. Heavy duties had been laid on all goods imported from fuch of the Weft India iflands as did not bdong to Great Britain,
* See Appendix, Note, No. III.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 31
Thefe duties were to be paid into the exchequer, CHAP Tl and all penalties incurred, were to be recovered 1764.. in the courts of vice-admiralty, by the determi- nation of a fingle judge, without trial by jury, and the judge's falary was to be paid out of the fruits of the forfeiture.
All remonftrances againft this innovating fyftem had hitherto been without effect. ; and in this period of fufpenfe, apprehenlion and anx- iety, a general congrefs of delegates from the feveral provinces was propofed by the honorable James Otis, of Barnftable, in the Maflachufetts. He was a gentleman of great probity, experience, and parliamentary abilities, whofe religious ad- herence to the rights of his country had diftin- guifhed him through a long courfe of years, in which he had fuftained fome of the firil offices in government. This propofal, from a man of his acknowledged judgment, difcretion and firmnefs, was univerfally plealing. The meafure was communicated to fome of the principal members of the two houfes of alfembly, and immediately adopted, not only by the Mafla- chufetts, but very foon after by moft of the other colonies. Thus originated the firft congrefs ever convened in America by the united voice of the people, in order to juftify their claims to the rights of Engliflnnen, and the privileges of the Britilh conftitution.
$2 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CHAP- IL It has been obferved that Virginia and the
1764-. Maffachufetts made the firft oppofition to par- liamentary meafures, on different grounds. The Virginians, in their refolves, came forward, con- fcious of their own independence, and at once afferted their rights as men. The Maffachufetts generally founded their claims on the rights of Britilh fubjecls, and the privileges of their Eng- lifh anceftors ; but the era was not far diftant, when the united colonies took the fame ground, the claim of native independence, regardlefs of charters or foreign reftrictions.
At a period when the tafte and opinions of Americans were comparatively pure and fimple, while they poffeffed that independence and dig- nity of mind, which is loft only by a multiplicity of wants and interefts, new fcenes were open- ing, beyond the reach of human calculation. At this important crifis, the delegates appointed from feveral of the colonies, to deliberate on the lowering afpecl: of political affairs, met at New York, on the firft Tuefday of October, one thoufand feven hundred and fixty-five.*
" The moderate demands of this body, and
. the fhort period of its exiftence, difcovered at
once the affectionate attachment of its members t
* Several of the colonies were prevented fending dele- gates to the congrefs at New York, by the royal governors •who would not permit the afTemblies to meet, •f See Appendix, Note, No. IV.
1765.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 33
to the parent ftate and their dread of a general chap.u. rupture, which at that time univerfally pre- vailed. They ftated their claims as fubjech to the crown of Great Britain ; appointed agents to enforce them in the national councils ; and agreed on petitions for the repeal of the ftamp- act, which had fown the feeds of difcord throughout the colonies. The prayer of their conftituents was, in a fpirited, yet refpectful manner, offered through them to the king, lords, and commons of Great Britain : they then feparated, to wait the event.*
A majority of the principal merchants of the city of London, the opulent Weft India pro- prietors who refided in England, and moft of the manufacturing towns through the king- dom, accompanied with fimilar petitions, thole offered by the congrefs convened at New York. In confequence of the general averfion to the ftamp-act, the Britifh miniilry were changed in appearance, though the fame men who had fab- ricated the American fyitcm, ftill retained their influence on the mind of the king, and in the councils of the nation. The parliamentary de- bates of the winter of one thoufand feven hun- dred and fixty-fix, evinced the important con- fequences expected from the decifion of the queftion, relative to an American taxation.
* See their petition in the records of the congrefs at New York, in one thoufand feven hundred and fmy-five. VOL. I. E
1766.
,34 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1766.
Warm and fpirited arguments in favor of the meafure, energetic reafonings againft it, with many farcaftic ftrokes on adminiftration, from fome of the prime orators in parliament, inte- refted the hearers of every rank and defcription, Finally, in order to quiet the public mind, the execution of thajtamp-aft was pronounced inexpe- dient by a majority of the houfe of commons, and a bill paffed for its repeal on March the eight- eenth, one thoufand feven hundred and fixty-fix. But a claufe was inferted therein, holding up a parliamentary right to make laws binding on the colonies in all cafes whatfoever : and a kind of condition was tacked to the repeal, that com- penfation fhould be made to all who had fuf* fered, either in perfon or property, by the late riotous proceedings.
A fhort-lived joy was diffufed throughout America, even by this delufive appearance of lenity : the people of every defcription manifeft- ed the ftrongeft defire, that harmony might be re-eftablifhed between Great Britain and the colonies. Bonfires, illuminations, and all the ufual expreflions of popular fatisfaction, were difplayed on the joyful occafion : yet, amidft the demonftrations of this lively gratitude, there were fome who had fagacity enough to fee, that the Britifh miniftry was not fo much infligated by principles of equity, as impelled by necefiity. Thefe deemed any relaxation in par- liament an a& of juftice, rather than favor •> and
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 35
felt more refentment for the manner, than ob- ligation for the defign, of this partial repeal. Their opinion was fully juftified by the fubfe- quent conduct of adminiftration.
When the affembly of MafTachufetts met the fucceeding winter, there feemed to prevail a general difpofition for peace : the fenfe of in- jury was checked ; and fuch a fpirit of affection and loyalty appeared, that the two houfes agreed to a bill for compenfation to all fufferers, in the late times of confufion and riot. But they were careful not to recognize a right in parliament to make fuch a requiiition : they ordered it to be entered on the journals of the houfe, that " for " the fake of internal peace, they waved all de- " bate and controverfy, though perfuaded, the " delinquent fufferers had no juft claim on the " province : that, influenced by a loyal regard " to his majefty's recommendation, (not confid- ** ering it as a requifition ;) and that, from a *e deference to the opinions of fome illuftrious " patrons of America, in the houfe of commons, *c who had urged them to a compliance : They " therefore acceded to the propofal j though, at " the fame time, they confidercd it a very rep- " rehenfible ftep in thofc who had fuffered, to " apply for relief to the parliament of Britain, *' inftead o fubmitting to the juftice and clem* "' ency of their own legiilature."
They made feveral other jufl and fevere ob- fervations on the high-toned fpeech of the gov-
1766.
1767.
36 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. it ernor, who had faid, " that the requifition or
17G7.
the miniftry was founded on fo much juftict " and humanity, that it could not be contro- " verted." They inquired, if the authority with which he introduced the minifterial demand, precluded all deputation about complying with it, what freedom of choice they had left in the cafe ? They faid, " With regard to the reft of *k your excellency's fpeech, we are conftrained " to obferve, that the general air and ftyle of it " favors much more of an act of free grace and " pardon, than of a parliamentary addrefs to the " two houfes of affembly : and we molt fincerely " wifh your excellency had been pleafed to re- " ferve it, if needful, for a proclamation."
In the bill for compenfation by the affembly of Maflachufetts, was added a very offenfive claufe. A general pardon and oblivion was granted to all offenders in the late confufion, tumults and riots. An exact detail of thefe proceedings was tranfmitted to England. The kins and council difallowed the act, as comprif- ing in it a bill of indemnity to the Boiton riot- ers ; and ordered compenfation made to the late fufferers, without any fupplementary conditions. No notice was taken of this order, nor any alter- ation made in the act. The money was drawn from the treafury of the province to fatisfy the claimants for compenfation ; and no farther in- quiries were made relative to the authors of the late tumultuary proceedings of the times, when
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
the minds of men had been wrought up to a chap u ferment, beyond the reach of all legal reflraint
The year one thoufand feven hundred and lixty-fix had pafled over without any other re- markable political events. All colonial meafures agitated in England, were regularly tranfmitted by the minifter for the American department to the feveral plantation governors ; who, on every communication, endeavoured to enforce the operation of parliament. »*y authority, by the moll: fanguine injunctions of their own, and a magnificent difplay of royal refentment, on the fmalleft token of dilbbedience to minifterial re- quifitions. But it will appear, that through a long feries of refolves and meflages, letters and petitions, which pafled between the parties, pre- vious to the commencement of hoftilities, the watchful guardians of American freedom never loll fight of the intrigues of their enemies, or the mifchievous defigns of fuch as were under the influence of the crown, on cither fide the Atlantic.
It may be obferved, that the tranquillity of the provinces had for fome time been interrupted by the innovating fpirit of the Britifh miniflry, mftigated by a few proftitutes of power, nurtur- ed in the hip of America, and bound by every tie of honor and gratitude, to be faithful to the interefts of their country. The focial enjoy- ments of life had long been difturbed, the mind
1767.
38 THE RISE AND PROGRESS Oh
1767
fretted, and the people rendered fufpidous, when they faw fome of their fellow-citizens, who did not hefitate at a junction with the ac- cumulated fwarms of hirelings, fent from Great Britain to ravifh from the colonies the rights they claimed both by nature and by compact. That the hard-hearted judges of admiralty, and the crowd of revenue officers that hovered about the cuftom houfes, mould feldom be actu- ated by the principles of juftice, is not ftrange. Peculation was generally the prime object of this clafs ; and the oaths they adminiftered, and the habits they encouraged, were favorable to every fpecies of bribery and corruption. The rapacity which inftigated thefe descriptions of men had little check, while they faw themfelves upheld even by fome governors of provinces. In this grade, which ought ever to be the pro- tectors of the rights of the people, there were fome who were total ltrangers to all ideas of equity, freedom, or urbanity. It was obferved at this time, in a fpeech before the houfe of commons, by colonel Barre, that " to his ceiv " tain knowledge, fome were promoted to the K higheft feats of honor in America, who were " glad to fly to a foreign country, to efcape be- " ing brought to the bar of juftice in their " own.*'*
However injudicious the appointments to American departments might be, the darling
* Parliamentary debates for 1 766.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 39
£>oint of an American revenue was an object, too confequential to be relinquifhed, either by the court at St. James's, the plantation gover- nors, or their mercenary adherents difperfed through the continent. Befides thefe, there were feveral daffies in America, who were at firft exceedingly oppofed to meafures that militated with the defigns of adminiftration. Some, im- prefTed by long connexion, were intimidated by her power, and attached by affection to Britain : others, the true difciples of paffive obedience, had real fcruplcs of confcience with regard to any refiftance to the powers that be : thefe, whether actuated by affection or fear, by principle or intereft, formed a clofe combination with the colonial governors, cuftom houfe offi- cers, and all in fubordinate departments, who hung on the court for fubfiftence. By the ten- or of the writings of fome of thefe, and the in- folent behaviour of others, they became equally- obnoxious in the eyes of the people, with the officers of the crown and the danglers for place ; who, difappointed of their prey by the repeal of the {lamp-act, and reftlefs for fome new project that might enable them to rife into importance on the fpoils of America, were continually whif- pering malicious infinuations into the ears of the financiers and miniiters of colonial departments.
They reprefented the mercantile body in America as a fet of fmugglem, forever break- ing over the laws of trade and of fociety ; the
1767.
40 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1767.
people in general as factious, turbulent, and aiming at independence ; the legislatures in the fcvcral provinces as marked with the fame fpirit; and government every where in fo lax a itate, that the civil authority was infufllcient to pre- vent the fatal effects of popular difcontent.
It is indeed true, that refentment had in fev- eral inftances arifen to outrage ; and that the molt unwarrantable excefl'es had been commit- ted on fome occasions, which gave grounds for unfavorable reprefentations. Yet it muft be acknowledged, that the voice of the people feldom breathes univerfal murmur, but when the infolence or the oppreffion of their rulers extorts the bitter complaint. On the contrary, there is a certain fupincnefs which generally overfpreads the multitude, and difpofes man- kind to fubmit quietly to any form of govern- ment, rather than to be at the expenfe and haz- ard of refiftance. They become attached to ancient modes by habits of obedience, though the reins of authority are fometimes held by the moil rigorous hand. Thus we have feen in all ages, the many become the Haves of the few : preferring the wretched tranquillity of inglorious eafe, they patiently yield to defpotic matters, until awakened by multiplied wrongs to the feelings of human nature ; which, when once aroufed to a confeioufnefs of the native freedom and equal rights of man, ever revolts at the idea of fervitude.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION* 41
Perhaps the ftory of political revolution CHAP' "• never exhibited a more general enthufiafm in 1767. the caufe of liberty, than that which for feveral years pervaded all ranks in America, and brought forward events little expected by the moil fanguine fpirits in the beginning of the controverfy. A conteft now pufhed with fo much vigour, that the intelligent yeomanry of the country, as well as thofe educated in the higher walks, became convinced that nothing lefs than a fyftematical plan of flavery was de- figned againft them. They viewed the chains as already forged to manacle the unborn mil- lions ; and though every one feemed to dread any new interruption of public tranquillity, the impetuofity of fome led them into excefles which could not be reftrained by thofe of more cool and difcreet deportment. To the molt moderate and judicious it foon became appar- ent, that unlefs a timely and bold refiftance prevented, the colonifts mull in a few years fink into the fame wretched thraldom, that marks the miferable Afiatic.
Few of the executive officers employed by the king of Great Britain, and fewer of their adherents, were qualified either by education, principle, or inclination, to allay the ferment of the times, or to eradicate the fufpicions of men, who, from an hereditary love of freedom, were tenderly touched by the fmallefl attempt, to undermine the invaluable ponefnon. Yet, per-
vol. i. r
42 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OP
C"AP- "• haps few of the colonies, at this period, fuffered 1767 equal embarraffments with the Maflachufetts* The inhabitants of that province were confid- ered as the prime leaders of faction, the difturb* ers of public tranquillity, and Bofton the feat of fedition. Vengeance was continually denoun- ced againft that capital, and indeed the whole province, through the letters, meflages, and fpeeches of their firft magiflrate.
Unhappily for both parties, governor Ber- nard was very illy calculated to promote the intereft of the people, or fupport the honor of his mafter. He was a man of little genius, but fome learning. He was by education ftrongly impreffed with high ideas of canon and feudal law, and fond of a fyftem of government that had been long obfolete in England, and had never had an exiftence in America. His difpo- iition was choleric and fanguine, obftinate and defigning, yet too open and frank to difguife his intrigues, and too precipitant to bring them to maturity. A revifion of colony charters, a refumption of former privileges, and an Amer- ican revenue, were the conftant topics of his letters to adminiftration.* To prove the necef- fity of thefe meafures, the moft trivial difturb- ance was magnified to a riot ; and to give a pretext to thefe wicked infmuations, it was
* See his pamphlet on law and polity, and his letters to the Britifli miniury, while he prelided in the Maflachufetts.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 43
thought by many, that tumults were frequent- C1,AP n ly excited by the indifcretion or malignancy of 1767> his own partizans.
The declaratory bill ftill hung fufpended over the heads of the Americans, nor was it fufFered to remain long without trying its op- erative effects. The claufe holding up a right to tax America at pleafure, and " to bind them " in all cafes whatfoever," was comprehenfive and alarming. Yet it was not generally ex- peeled, that the miniftry would foon endeavour to avail thenafelves of the dangerous experi- ment ; but, in this, the public were miftaken.
It has already been obferved, that the arbi- trary difpofition of George the third ; the abfurd fyftem of policy adopted in conformity to his principles, and a parliamentary majority at the command of the miniftry, rendered it not difficult to enforce any meafures that might tend to an acceflion to the powers of the crown. It was a juft fentiment of an elegant writer, that " almoft all the vices of royalty have " been principally occafioned by a flavim adula- " tion in the language of their fubjccls ; and " to the fliame of the Enfflifh it muft be laid, " that none of the enflaved nations in the world " have addrcfled the throne in a more fulfome " and hyperbolical ftyle." *
* Mrs. Macauley's letter to earl Stanhope.
44 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CI1A1' "• The dignity of the crown, the fupremacy of
J 767. parliament, and the difloyalty of the colonies, were the theme of the court, the echo of its creatures, and of the Britifli nation in general ; nor was it thought good policy to let the high claims of government lie long in a dormant ftate. Accordingly not many months after the repeal of the ftamp-acl:, the chancellor of the exchequer, Charles Townfliend, Efq. came for- ward and pawned his character on the fuccefs of a new attempt to tax the American colonies. He was a gentleman of confpicuous abilities, and much profeflional knowledge ; endowed with more boldnefs than difcretion ; he had " the talent of bringing together at once all " that was necefiary to eftablifh, to illuftrate, " and to decorate the fide of the queftion he " was on."*
He introduced feveral bills in fupport of his fancuinary deftVns, which without much difficul- ty obtained the fanction of parliament, and the royal affent. The purport of the new project for revenue was to levy certain duties on paper, glafs, painters' colors, and feveral other articles ufually imported into America. It was alfo directed that the duties on India teas, which
* A writer has more recently obferved that Charles Townfhend was a man of rifing parliamentary reputation and brilliant talents ; but capricious, infmcere, intriguing, and wholly deftitute of difcretion or folidity.
Belfharn on the reign of George the third.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 45
had been a productive fource of revenue in CHAPH- England, fhould be taken off there, and three ^^ pence per pound levied on all kinds that fhould in future be purchafed in the colonies.
This inconfiderable duty on teas finally be- came an object of high importance and alterca- tion ; it was not the mm, but the principle that was contested ; it manifeftly appeared that this was only a financiering expedient to raife a revenue from the colonies by imperceptible taxes. The defenders of the privileges and the freedom of the colonies, denied all parliamentary right to tax them in any way whatever. They averted that if the collection of this duty was permitted, it would eftablifh a precedent, and ftrengthen the claim parliament had affumed, to tax them at pleafure. To do it by the fecret modes of impofts and excifes would ruin their trade, corrupt the morals of the people, and was more abhorrent in their eyes than a direel: de- mand. The moft judicious and intelligent Americans at this time confidered all impercepti- ble taxes fraught with evils, that tended to enfiave any country plunged in the boundiefs chaos of fifcal demands that this practice intro- duces.
In confequence of the new fyftem, a board of cuftoms was inftituted and commifiioners ap- pointed to fet in Bofton to collect the duties ; which '■ fiaes other purpofes to fupply a,
46 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
C"AP " fund for the payment of the large falaries an- 1757, ncxed to their ofiice. A civil lilt was foon after eftablifhcd, and the governors of the Maflachu- fetts, judges of the fiiperior court, and fuch other officers as had heretofore depended on the free grants of the reprefentative body, were to be paid out of the revenue cheft.
Thus rendered wholly independent of the general aflembly, there was no check left on the wanton exercife of power in the crown of- ficers, however difpofed they might be to abufe their truft. The diftance from the throne, it was faid, muft delay, if not wholly prevent, all relief under any oppreffions the people might fuffer from the fervants of government ; and to crown the long lift of grievances, fpecified by the patriots of the day, the extenfion of tiie courts of vice-admiralty was none of the leaft. They were veiled with certain powers that dif- penfed with the mode of trial by jury, annihi- lated the privileges of Engliihmen, and placed the liberty of every man in the hand of a petty officer of the cuftoms. By warrant of a writ of affiftance from the governor or lieutenant governor, any officer of the revenue was au- thorized to enter the dwelling of the moft re- fpeccable inhabitant on the fmalleft fufpicion of a concealment of contraband goods, and to in- fuk7 fearch, or feize, with impunity.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 47
An attorney* at law, of fome profeflional CHAP- "• abilities and ingenuity, but without either prop- 1737. erty or principle, was, by the inftigation of Mr. Bernard, appointed fole judge of admiralty in the Maffachufetts. The dangerous afped of this court, particularly when aided by writs of afliftance, was oppofed with peculiar energy and ftrength of argument, by James Otis, Efq. of Bofton, who, by the exertion of his talents and the facrifice of intereft, may juftly claim the honor of laying the foundation of a revolu- tion, which has been productive of the happieft effects to the civil and political interefts of man- kind.
He was the firft champion of American free- dom, who had the courage to put his fignature to the conteft between Great Britain and the colonies. He had in a clear, concife, and nerv- ous manner, ftated and vindicated the rights of the American colonies, and publifhed his obfer- vations in Bofton, while the ftamp-act hung fuf- pended. This tract was written with fuch a fpirit of liberality, loyalty, and impartiality, that though at the time fome were ready to pro- nounce it tnafonable^ yet, when oppolhion run higher, many of the moft judicious partizans of the crown were willing to admit it as a
* Jonathan Sevvall, a native of the province, whofe pen had been employed to vindicate the meafures of adminiftra- tion and die conduct of governor Bernard, under the fig- nature of Philalethes, Maifachufettenfis, Sec. &c.
48 THE Ris:. AND PROGRt.S:- OF
chaiv ii. jufj. critcrion of political truth.* But the au- 1767. thov was abufed and vilified by the fcrib- blers of the court, and threatened with an ar- reft from the crown, for the boldnefs of his opinions. Yet he continued to advocate the rights of the people, and in the courfe of his argument againft the iniquitous confequences of writs of afliftance, he obferved, that " his " engaging in this caufe had raifed the refent- " ment of its abettors ; but that he argued it " from principle, and with peculiar pleafure, as " it was in favor of Britijh liberty, and in op- " pofition to the exercife of a power, that in " former periods of Englifh hiftory, had coft " one king of England his head, and another " his crown." — He added, " I can lincerely de- " clare, that I fubmit myfelf to every opprobri- " ous name for confcience fake, and defpife all " thofe, whom guilt, folly or malice have made " my foes."
It was on this occafion, that Mr. Otis refign- ed the office of judge advocate, and renounced all employment under fo corrupt an adminiftra- tion, boldly declaring in the face of the fupreme court, at this dangerous crifis, that " the only " principle of public conduct, worthy a gentle- tc man or a man, was the facrifice of health, eafe, " applaufe, eilate, or even life, to the facred
* See Mr. Otis's pamphlet, entitled, " The rights of *' the colonies Hated and vindicated."
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 49
" calls of his country ; that thefe manly fenti- CHAPIL
" ments in private life made the good citizen, 1767.
" in public, the patriot and the hero.,, — Thus
was verified in his conduct the obfervation of
a writer * of merit and celebrity, that " it was
" as difficult for Great Britain to frighten as to
" cheat Americans into fervitude ; that £he
" ought to leave them in the peacable poflemon
" of that liberty which they received at their
" birth, and were refolved to retain to their
" death."
When the new parliamentary regulations reached America, all the colonies in their fev- eral departments petitioned in the moft ftren- uous manner againft any American taxation, and all other recent innovations relative to the government of the Britifh provinces. Theie petitions were, when received by the miniftry, treated by them with the utmoft contempt. But they were fupported by a refpect.able party in the parliament of Britain, who did not neg- lect to warn the adminiftration of the danger of precipitating meafures, that might require be- fore the termination of a conteft thus hurried
* Mr. Dickenfon, author of the much admired Farmer's Letters, the fir ft copy of which he inclnfed> to his friend, Mr. Otis, and obferved to him, that " the examples of " public fpirit in the cold regions of the north, had roufed " the languid latitudes of the fouth, to a proper vindica- tion of their rights." See Appendix, Note, No. V.
VOL. I. <>
50 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. ii. orij « more virtue and abilities than the miniftry 7^- "poffeffed."
By fome fteps taken by adminiftration pre- vious to the prel'ent period, there was reafon to fuppofe that they were thernfelves apprehenfive, that their fyftem for governing the colonies in a more arbitrary manner would give great of- fence, and create difturbances of fo alarming a nature, that perhaps the aid of military power might become necellary to enforce the comple- tion of their defigns. Doubtlefs it was with a view of facilitating the new projects, that an extraordinary bill had been palled in*parliament, making it lawful for the officers of the Britifh army to quarter their troops in private houfes throughout the colonies. Thus while mixed in every family, it might become more eafy to awe the people into fubmimon, and compel them by military terrors to the bafeft compli- ances. But the colony agents refiding in Lon- don, and the merchants concerned in the Amer- ican trade, remonftrated fo warmly againft the injuftice and cruelty of fuch a procedure, that a part of the bill was dropped. Yet it was too important a point wholly to relinquifh ; of confequence a claufe was left, obliging the fev- eral legiflative aflemblies to provide quarters for the king's marching regiments, and to fur- nifh a number of fpecilied articles at the ex- penfe of the province, wherever they might be ftationed.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 51
This act continued in full force after the CHAP "• ftamp-acl: was repealed, though it equally mili- J767. tated with that part of the Britifli conftitution which provides that no monies mould be raifed on the fubject without his confent. Yet rath- er than enter on a new difpute, the colonifts in general chofe to evade it for the prefent, and without many obfervations thereon had occa- fionally made fome voluntary provifions for the fupport of the king's troops. It was hoped the act might be only a temporary expedient to hold up the authority of parliament, and that in a fhort time the claim might die of itfelf without any attempt to revive fuch an unrea- fonable demand. But New York, more explicit in her refufal to obey, was fufpended from all powers of legiflation until the quartering act mould be complied with in the fulleft extent. By this unprecedented treatment of one of the colonies, and the innumerable exactions and reftrictions on all, a general apprehenfion pre- vailed, that nothing but a firm, vigorous and united refinance could fhield from the attacks that threatened the total extinction of civil lib- erty through the continent.
52 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CHAPTER III.
Curfory Obfervations. — iMaflachufetts Circular Letter. — A new Houfe of Representatives called — Governor Ber- nard impeached. — A Riot on the Seizure of a VelTel. — Troops applied for to protect the King's Officers. — A Convention at Bofton. — Troops arrive. — A Combination againft all Commerce with Great Britain. — A General Affembly convened at Bofton — removed to Cambridge. — Governor Bernard after his Impeachment repairs to England.
1 HE Britifh colonies at this period through the American continent contained, exclufive of Canada and Nova Scotia, the provinces of* New Hampfhire, and Maffachufetts Bay, of Rhode Ifland, Connecticut, New York, New Jerfey, Pennfylvania, the Delaware counties, Vir- ginia, Maryland, the two Carolinas, and Geor- gia, befides the Floridas, and an unbounded tracl of wildernefs not yet explored. Thefe feveral provinces had been always governed by their own diftincl legillatures. It is true there was fome variety in their religious opinions, but a finking fimilarity in their political inftitutions, except in the proprietary governments. At the fame time the colonies, afterwards the thirteen ftates, were equally marked with that manly fpirit of freedom, characleriftic of Americans from New Hampfhire to Georgia.
Aroufed by the fame injuries from the parent ftate, threatened in the fame manner by the
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 5S
common enemies to the rights of fociety among CHAP- "'■ themfelves, their petitions to the throne had ife7. been fuppreffed without even a reading, their remonftrances were ridiculed and their {impli- cations rejected. They determined no longer to fubmit. All flood ready to unite in the fame meafures to obtain that redrefs of grievances they had fo long requefted, and that relief from burdens they had fo long complained of, to fo little purpofe. Yet there was no bond of con- nexion by which a fimilarity of fentiment and concord in action might appear, whether they were again difpofed to revert to the hitherto fruitlefs mode of petition and remonftrance, or to leave that humiliating path for a line of con- duel: more cogent and influential in the contefts of nations.
A circular letter dated February the elev- enth, one thoufand feven hundred and fixty- eight, by the legillature of MafTachufetts, di- rected to the reprefentatives and burgefles of the people through the continent, was a meaf- ure well calculated for this falutary purpofe.* This letter painted in the ftrongeft colors the difficulties they apprehended, the embarraff- ments they felt, and the fleps already taken to obtain relief. It contained the full opinion of that affernbly relative to the late acts of parlia- ment ; while at the fame time they expatiated
* See Appendix, Note, No. VI.
1768.
5\> THE RISE AND PROGRESS OP
c"Ar '"• on their duty and attachment to the king, and 17G8. detailed in terms of refpect. the reprefentations that had been made to his minifters, they ex- prefTed the boldeft determination to continue a free but a loyal people. Indeed there were few, if any, who indulged an idea of a final fep- aration from Britain at fo early a period ; or that even wifhed for more than an equal parti- cipation of the privileges of the Britifh confti- tution.
Independence was a plant of a later growth. Though the foil might be congenial, and the boundaries of nature pointed out the event, yet every one chofe to view it at a diftance, rather than wifhed to witnefs the convulfions that fuch a difmemberment of the empire mull neceffarily occafion.
After the circulation of this alarming letter,* wherever any of the governors hadpermitted the legiflative bodies to meet, an anfwer was returned by the aflemblics replete with encomiums on the exertion and the zeal of the Maflachufetts. They obferved that the fpirit that dictated that let- ter was but a tranfeript of their own feelings ; and that though equally imprefled with every fentiment of refpect to the prince on the throne of Britain, and feeling the ftrongeft attachment to the houfc of Hanover, they could not but
* See Appendix, Note, No. VII.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 55
reject with difdain the late meafures, fo repug- CHApni- want to the dignity of the crown and the true 1768. intereft of the realm ; and that at every hazard they were determined to refill all acts of parlia- ment for the injurious purpofe of railing a rev- enue in America. They alfo added, that they had refpectively offered the moft humble fuppli- cations to the king ; that they had remon- ftrated to both houfes of parliament, and had directed their agents at the Britifh court to leave no effort untried to obtain relief, without being compelled to what might be deemed by royalty an illegal mode of oppolition.
In confequence of the fpirited proceedings of the houfe of rcprefentatives, the general afl'em- bly of Maflachufetts was diflblved, nor were they fuffered to meet again until a new election. Thefe tranfactions were carefully tranfmitted to adminiftration by feveral of the plantation gov- ernors, and particularly Mr. Bernard, with in- flammatory obfervations of his own, interlarded with the moft illiberal abule of the principal leaders of the late meafures in the affembly of Maflachufetts.
Their charter, which ftill provided for the election of the legillature, obliged the gover- nor to fummon a new affembly to meet May the twenty-four Lh, one thoufand feven hun- dred and fixty-eight. The firft communication laid before the houfe by the governor contain-
36 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
aUit m ed a haughty requifition from the Britifh min- 1768, ifter of ftate, directing in his majefty's name that the prefent houfe mould immediately re- fcind the refolutions of a former one, which had produced the celebrated circular letter. Governor Bernard alfo intimated, that it was his majefty's pleafure, that on a non-com- pliance with this extraordinary mandate, the prefent affembly mould be diffolved without delay.
What heightened the refentment to the manner of this fmgular order, figned by lord Hillfborough, fecretary of ftate for the Ameri- can department, was, that he therein intimated to the governor that he need not fear the moft unqualified obedience on his part to the high meafures of adminiftration, alluring him that it would not operate to his difadvantage, as care would be taken in future to provide for his intereft, and to fupport the dignity of gov- ernment, without the interpofitions or exift- ence of a provincial legiflature.
. Thefe mefiages were received by the repre- fentative body with a fteadinefs and refolution becoming the defenders of the rights of a free people. After appointing a committee to con- fider and prepare an anfwer to them, they pro- ceeded with great coolnefs to the ufual bufinefs of the feflion, without further notice of what had pafled.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 57
Within a day or two, they received a fecond CHAP '"• meffage from the governor, purporting that he ijqs. expected an immediate and an explicit anfwer to the authoritative requifition ; and that if they longer poftponed their refolutions, he mould confider their delay as an " oppugnation "to his majejifs authority ', and a negative to " the command, by an expiring faction." On this, the houfe defired time to confult their constituents on fuch an extraordinary queftion. This being peremptorily and pet- ulantly refufed, the houfe ordered the board of council to be informed, that they were en- tering on a debate of importance, that they fhould give them notice when it was ever, and directed the door-keeper to call no member out, on any pretence whatever.
The committee appointed to anfwer the gov- ernor's feveral meffages, were gentlemen of known attachment to the caufe of their country, who on every occafion had rejected all fervile compliances with minifterial requifitions. They were not long on the bufmefs. When they re- turned to the houfe, the galleries were imme- diately cleared, and they reported an anfwer, bold and determined, yet decent and loyal. In the courfe of their reply, they obferved that it was not an " expiring fad-ion,1* that the governor had charged with " oppugnation to his majejlfs " authority" that it was the beft blood of the colony who oppofed the minifterial meafures,
vol.. I. h
58 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. in. men 0f reputation, fortune and rank, equal to
1768 any who enjoyed the fmiles of government ;
that their exertions were from a confcious fenfe
of duty to their God, to their king, to their
country, and to poftcrity.*
This committee at the fame time reported a very fpirited letter to lord Hillfborough, which they had prepared to lay before the houfe. Iri this they remonftrated on the injuftice as well as abfurdity of a requifition, when a compliance was impracticable, even had they the inclination to refcind the doings of a former houfe. This letter was approved by the houfe, and on a di- vifion on the queftion of refunding the vote of a former affembly, it was negatived by a major- ity of ninety-two to feventeen.
The fame committee was immediately nomi- nated to prepare a petition to the king to remove Mr. Bernard from the government of MafTachu- fetts. They drew up a petition for this purpole without leaving the houfe, and immediately re- ported it. They alleged a long lift of accufations againft the governor, and requefted his majefty that one more worthy to reprefent fo great and good a king, might be fent to prefide in the prov- ince. Thus impeached by the houfe, the fame
* The principal members of this committee, were Major Jofeph Hawley, of Northampton, James Otis, Efq. of Bof- ton, Samuel Adams, James Warren, of Plymouth, John . Hancock, and Thomas Cufliing, Efqrs.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 59
minority that had appeared ready to refcind the CHAP "'• circular letter, declared themfelves againft the ] 768# impeachment of governor Bernard.* Their fervility was marked with peculiar odium : they were ftigmatized by the appellation of the infamous feventeen, until their names were loft in a fucceflion of great events and more impor- tant characters.
When the doors of the houfe were opened, the fecretary who had been long in waiting for admiflion, informed the houfe that the governor was in the chair, and defired their attendance in the council chamber. They complied without hefitation, but were received in a moft ungra- cious manner. With much ill humor the gov- ernor reprimanded them in the language of an angry pedagogue, inftead of the manner becom- ing the firft magiftrate when addrefling the reprefentatives of a free people : he concluded his harangue by proroguing the affembly, which within a few days he diifolved by procla- mation.
In the mean time by warm and virulent let-, ters from this indifcreet governor ; by others full of invective from the commiflioners of the cuftoms, and by the ferret infiuc?icc of fome, who yet concealed themfelves within the vizard of moderation, " who held the language of patriot - w ifm, but trod in the footfteps of tyranny/*
* Journals of the houfe.
60 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. in. jeave wag obtained from adminiftration to apply 1768< to the commander in chief of the king's troops, then at New York, to fend feveral regiments to Bofton, as a necefiary aid to civil government, which they reprefented as too weak to fupprefs the dilbrders of the times. It was urged that this ftep was abfolutely neceflary, to enable the officers of the crown to carry into execution the laws of the fupreme legiflature.
A new pretext had been recently given to the malignant party, to urge with a fliew of plaufibility, the immediate neceflity of the mili- tary arm, to quell the riotous proceedings of the town of Bofton, to ftrengthen the hands of government, and reftore order and tranquillity to the province. The feizure of a veffel belong- ing to a popular gentleman,* under fufpicion of a breach of the acts of trade, railed a fudden refentment among the citizens of Bofton. The conduct of the owner was indeed reprehenfible, in permitting a part of the cargo to be unladen in a clandeftine manner ; but the mode of the feizure appeared like a defign to raife a fudden ferment, that might be improved to corroborate the arguments for the necefiity of ftanding troops to be ftationed within the town.
On a certain iignal, a number of boats, man- ned and armed, rowed up to the wharf, cut the
* John Hancock, Efq. afterwards governor of the Maftachufetts,
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 61
fafts of the fufpeded veffel, carried her off, and cj^__ placed her under the Hern of a fhip of war, as 17G8< if apprehenfive of a refcue. This was executed in the edge of the evening, when apprentices and the younger claffes were ufually in the ftreets. It had what was thought to be the defired effect; the inconfiderate rabble, unap- prehenfive of the fnare, and thoughtlels of con- fequences, pelted fome of the cuftom-houfe officers with brick-bats, broke their windows, drew one of their boats before the door of the gentleman they thought injured, and fet it on lire ; after which they diiperfed without fur- ther mifchief.
This trivial difturbance was exaggerated un- til it wore the complexion of a riot of the firil magnitude. By the infinuations of the party, and their malignant conduct, it was not ftrange that in England it was conlidered as a London mob collected in the ftreets of Bofton, with fome formidable defperado at their head. After this fracas, the cuftom-houfe officers repaired imme- diately to Caftle William, as did the board of commiflioners. This fortrefs was about a league from the town. From thence they expreffed their apprehenfions of perfonal danger, in ftrong language. Frefli applications were made to general Gage, to haiten on his forces from New York, alluring him that the lives of the officers of the crown were infecure, unlefs placed beyond the reach of popular refentment,
G2 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. ni. by an immediate military aid. In confequence
1768 °f tne^e veprefentations, feveral detachments
from Halifax, and two regiments lately from
Ireland, were directed to repair to Bofton, with
all poflible difpatch.
The experience of all ages, and the obferva- tions both of the hiftorian and the philofopber agree, that a Handing army is the moft ready engine in the hand of defpotifm, to debafe the powers of the human mind, and eradicate the manly fpirit of freedom. The people have cer- tainly every thing to fear from a government, when the fprings of its authority are fortified only by a Handing military force. Wherever an army is eftablifhed, it introduces a revolu- tion in manners, corrupts the morals, propa- gates every fpecies of vice, and degrades the human character. Threatened with the imme- diate introduction of this dread calamity, de- prived by the diflblution of their legiflature of all power to make any legal oppofition ; neg- lected by their fovereign, and infulted by the governor he had fet over them, much the largeft part of the community was convin- ced, that they had no refource but in the ftrength of their virtues, the energy of their refolutions, and the juftice of their caufe.
In this ftate of general apprehenfion, confu- fion, and fufpenfe, the inhabitants of Bofton again requefted governor Bernard to convoke
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 63
an affembly, and fuffer the reprefentatives of CHAP '"• the whole people to confult and advife at this 1768. critical conjuncture. He rejected this applica- tion with an air of infult, and no time was to be loft. Letters were inftantly forwarded from the capital, requefting a delegation of fuitable perfons to meet in convention from every town in the province before the arrival of the troops, and if poflible to take fome fteps to prevent the fatal effects of thefe dangerous and unprecedented meafures.
The whole country felt themfelves interefled, and readily complied with the propofal. The moft refpectable perfons from an hundred and ninety-fix towns were chofen delegates to af- femble at Bofton, on the twenty-fecond of Sep- tember. They accordingly met at that time and place ; as foon as they were convened, the governor fent them an angry meffage, admon- ifhing them immediately to difperfe, afTuring them " the king was determined to maintain " his entire fovereignty over the province, — " that their prefent meeting might be in confe- " quence of their ignorance, — but that if after " this admonition, they continued their nfurpa- " tion, they might repent their temerity, as he " was determined to affect the authority of the " crown in a more public manner, if they con- " tinued to difrescard this authoritative warn- « ing."
64 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CHAP "'• He however found he had not men to deal
1768. with, either ignorant of law, regardlefs of its Sanctions, or terrified by the frowns of power. The convention made him a fpirited but decent anfwer, containing the reafons of their aflem- bling, and the line of conduct they were deter- mined to purfue in fpite of every menace. The governor refufed to receive their reply ; he urged the illegality of the afTembly, and made ufe of every fubterfuge to interrupt their pro- ceedings.
Their iituation was indeed truly delicate, as well as dangerous. The convention was a body not known in the conftitution of their government, and in the ftrict fenfe of law it might be ftyled a treafonable meeting. They ftill profefled fealty to the crown of Britain ; and though the principle had been fliaken by injuries, that might have juftified a more fud- den renunciati< n of loyalty, yet their's was cherifhed by a degree of religious fcruple, amidft every fpecies of infult. Thus while they wifhed to Support this temper, and to cherifh their former affection, they felt with poignancy the invafion of their rights, and hourly expected the arrival of an armed force, to back the threatenings of their firft magis- trate.
Great prudence and moderation however marked the transactions of an afTembly of men
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 65
thus circumftanced ; they could in their pref- CHAP m- ent fituation only recapitulate their fufferings, 1:68. felt and feared. This they did in a pointed and nervous ftyle, in a letter addreffed to Mr. De Berdt,* the agent of the province, re- ading in London. They ftated the circum- ftances that occafioned their meeting, and a full detail of their proceedings. They inclofed him a petition to the king, and ordered their agent to deliver it with his own hand. The convention then feparated, and returned to their refpective towns, where they imprefled on their conftituents the fame perfeverance, forbearance and magna- nimity that had marked their own refolutions.
Within a few days after their feparation, the troops arrived from Halifax. This was indeed a painful era. The American war may be dated from the hoftile parade of this day ; a day which marks with infamy the councils of Britain. At this period, the inhabitants of the colonies almoft univerfally breathed an uniha- ken loyalty to the king of England, and the ftrongeft attachment to a country whence they derived their oriGfin. Thus was the aftonifh-
o
ment of the whole province excited, when to the grief and confternation of the town of Bof- ton feveral regiments were landed, and march- ed fword in hand through the principal ftreets of their city, then in profound peace.
* See letter to Mr. De Berdt, in the journals of the houfe.
VOL. I. I
(J6 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CUAr "r- The difembarkation of the king's troops,
" 1768 which took place on the firft of October, one thoufand feven hundred and fixty-eight, was Viewed by a vaft crowd of fpectators, who be- held the folemn prelude to devaftation and bloodflied with a kind of fullen filence, that de- noted the deepeft refentment. Yet whatever might be the feelings of the citizens, not one among the gazing multitude difcovered any dilpoiition to refill by arms the power and au- thority of the king of Great Britain. This ap- pearance of decent fubmiflion and order was very unexpected to fome, whofe guilty fears had led them to expect a violent and tumultu- ous refiftance to the landing of a large body of armed foldiers in the town. The peaceable de- meanor of the people was conftrued, by the party who had brought this evil on the city, as a mark of abject iubmiflion.
As they fuppofed from the prelent acquief- cent deportment, that the fpirit of the inhabit- ants was totally fubdued on the firft appearance of military power, they confequently role in their demands. General Gage arrived from New York ibon after the king's troops reached Bolton. With the aid of the governor, the chief juftice of the province, and the meriff of the county of Suffolk, he forced quarters for his foldiers in all the unoccupied houfes in the town. The council convened on this occafion oppol'ed the mealure ; but to fuch a height
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 67
was the infolence of power pufhed, by their paffionate, vindictive and wrong-headed gov- ernor, that in fpite of the remonftrances of fev- eral magiftrates, and the importunities of the people, he fuffered the ftate houfe, where the archives of the province were depofited, to be improved as barracks for the king's troops. Thus the members of council, the magiftrates of the town and the courts of juftice were daily interrupted, and frequently challenged in their way to their feveral departments in buii- nefs, by military centinels polled at the doors.
A ftanding army thus placed in their capital, their commerce fettered, their characters tra- duced, their reprefentative body prevented meeting, the united petitions of all ranks that they might be convened at this critical conjunc- ture rejected by the governor ; and ftill threat- ened with a further augmentation of troops to enforce meafures in every view repugnant to the principles of the Britifh conftitution ; little hope remained of a peaceful accommodation.
The moft rational arguments had been urged by the legiflative aflemblies, by corporate bod- ies, affociations, and individual characters of eminence, to lhake the arbitrary fyftem that augured evils to both countries. But their ad- drelles were difdainfully rejected ; the king and the court of Great Britain appeared equally deaf to the cry of millions, who only alked a reftoration of their rights. At the fame time
1768.
68 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CHAP '"■ every worthlefs incendiary, who, taking advan- 17cj8< tage of thefe miferable times, crofled the Atlan- tic with a tale of accufation againft his country, was liftened to with attention, and rewarded with fome token of royal favor.
In this fituation, no remedy appeared to be left fhort of an appeal to the fword, unlefs an entire fufpeniion of that commercial intercourfe, which had contributed fo much to the glory and grandeur of Britain, could be effected throughout the colonies. As all the American continent was involved in one common danger, it was not found difficult to obtain a general combination againft all further importations from England, a few articles only excepted. The mercantile body through all the provinces entered into folemn engagements, and plighted their faith and honor to each other, and to their country, that no orders mould be for- warded by them for Britifh or India goods within a limited term, except for certain fpeci- fied articles of neceflary ufe. Thefe engage- ments originated in Bofton, and were for a time ftrictly adhered to through all the colo- nies. Great encouragement was given to American manufactures, and if pride of apparel was at all indulged, it was in wearing the fluffs fabricated in their own looms. Harmony and union, prudence and economy, induftry and virtue, were inculcated in their publications, and enforced by the example of the moft re- fpectable characters.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 69
In confequence of thefe determinations, the CHAP m- clamors of the Britifh manufacturers arofe to tu- 1y68# mult in many parts of the kingdom ; but no ar- tifice was neglected to quiet the trading part of the nation. There were fome Americans, who by letters encouraged adminiftration to perfe- vere in their meafures relative to the colonies, affuring them in the ftrongeft terms, that the interruption of commerce was but a tempo- rary ftruggle, or rather an effort of defpair. No one in the country urged his opinion with more indifcreet zeal than Andrew Oliver, Efq. then fecretary in the Maffachufetts. He fug- gefted, " that government mould ftipulate with " the merchants in England to purchafe large " quantities of goods proper for the American " market ; agreeing beforehand to allow them " a premium equal to the advance of their " ftock in trade, if the price of their goods was " not fufficiently enhanced by a tenfold demand " in future, even though the goods might lay " on hand, till this temporary ftagnation of " bufmefs fhould ceafe." He concluded his po- litical rhapfody with this inhuman boaft to his correfpondent ;* " By fuch a Jiep the game will " be up with my countrymen"
The prediction on both fides the Atlantic, that this combination, which depended wholly
* See the original letters of Mr. Oliver to Mr. Whately and others, which were afterwards published in a pam» phlet ; alfo, in the Britifh Remembrancer, 1773.
70 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
cttAP ""• on the commercial part of the community, 1768. could not be of long duration, proved indeed too true. A regard to private intereft ever op- erates more forcibly on the bulk of mankind than the ties of honor, or the principles of pat- riotifm ; and when the latter are incompatible with the former, the balance feldom hangs long in equilibrio. Thus it is not uncommon to fee virtue, liberty, love of country, and regard to character, facrificed at the fhrine of wealth.
1769.
The winter following this falutary combina- tion, a partial repeal of the act impoiing duties on certain articles of Britifli manufacture took place. On this it immediately appeared that fome in New York had previoufly given conditional or- ders to their correfpondents, that if the meaf- ures of parliament mould in any degree be re- laxed, that without farther application they mould furnifli them with large quantities of goods. Several in the other colonies had dif- covered as much avidity for an early importa- tion as the Yorkers. They had given fimilar orders, and both received larger fupplies than ufual, of Britifli merchandize, early in the fpring one thoufand feven hundred and fixty- nine. The people of courfe confidered the agreement nullified by the conduct of the mer- chants, and the intercourfe with England for a time went on as ufual, without any check. Thus, by breaking through the agreement with- in the limited time of reftriction, a meafure was
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 71
defeated, which, had it been religioufly ob- CHAt> nL ferved, might have prevented the tragical con- 1759. fequences which enfued.
After this event, a feries of altercation and abufe, of recrimination and fufpenfe, was kept up on both fides the Atlantic, without much appearance of lenity on the one fide, or decifion on the other. There appeared little difpofition in parliament to relax the reins of government, and lefs in the Americans to yield implicit obedience. But whether from an opinion that they had taken the lead in oppofition, or whether from their having a greater propor- tion of Britifh fycophants among themfelves, whofe artful insinuations operated againil their country, or from other concurring circumftan- ces, the Maflachufctts was ftill the principal butt of miniftorial refentment. It is therefore neceflary yet to continue a more particular de- tail of the fituation of that province.
As their charter was not yet annihilated, gov- ernor Bernard found himfelf under a neceflity, as the period of annual election approached, to iifue writs to convene a general aiVemblv. Ac- cordingly a new houie of reprefentatives met at Bofton as ufual on the thirty-Aril of May, one thoufand feven hundred and fixty-nine. They immediately petitioned the governor to remove the military parade that furrounded the ftate-houfe, urging, that fuch a hoftile appear-
72 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CHAP- '"• ance might over-awe their proceedings, and
1769. prevent the freedom of election and debate.
A unanimous refolve pafTed, " that it was " the opinion of the houfe, that placing an arm- " ed force in the metropolis while the general " afiembly is there convened, is a breach of " privilege, and totally inconfiftent with the " dignity and freedom with which they ought " to deliberate and determine ;" — adding, " that " they meant ever to fupport their conftitution- " al rights, that they mould never voluntarily *c recede from their juft claims, contained both " in the letter and fpirit of the conftitution."
After feveral meffages both from the council and houfe of reprefentatives, the governor, ever obftinate in error, declared he had no au- thority over the king's troops, nor fhould he ufe any influence to have them removed.* Thus by exprefs acknowledgment of the firft magiftrate, it appeared that the military was fet fo far above the civil authority, that the laft was totally unable to check the wanton exer- cife of this newly eftablifhed power in the prov- ince. But the affembly peremptorily deter- mined to do no bufinefs while thus infulted by the planting of cannon at the doors of the flate- houfe, and interrupted in their folemn deliber- ations by the noify evolutions of military difci- pline.
* Journals of the houfe, one thoufand feven hundred and fixty-nine.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 73
The royal charter required that they mould CI,AP »"• proceed to the choice of a fpeaker, and the elec- 1759. tion of a council, the firft day of the meeting of the affembly. They had conformed to this as ufual, but protefted againfl its being confidered as a precedent on any future emergency. Thus amidft the warmeft expreffions of refentment from all clafles, for the indignity offered a free people by this haughty treatment to their legif- lature, the governor fuffered them to fit feveral weeks without doing bufinefs ; and at lail compelled them to give way to an armed force, by adjourning the general affembly to Cam- bridge.
The internal ftate of the province required the attention of the houfe at this critical exi- gence of affairs. They therefore on their firft meeting at Cambridge, refolved, " That it was " their opinion that the Britifh conftitution ad» " mits no armed force within the realm, but '* for the purpofe of often five or defenfive war. " That placing troops in the colony in the midfl " of profound peace was a breach of privilege, " an infraction on the natural rights of the peo- " pie, and manifeftly fubverfive of that happy " form of government they had hitherto enjoy- " ed. That the honor, dignity, and fervice " of the fovereign mould be attended to by " that affembly, fo far as was confident with " the juft rights of the people, their own digni- " ty, and the freedom of debate ; but that pro-
VOL. I. K
74 THE RISE* AND PROGRESS OF
1769.
" ceeding to bufinefs while an armed force was " quartered in the province, was not a derelio " tion of the privileges legally claimed by the " colony, but from neceflky, and that no undue " advantage fhould be taken from their com- " pliance."
After this, they had not time to do any other bufinefs, before two meflages of a very extraor- dinary nature, in their opinion, were laid before them.* The firft was an order under the fign- manual of the king, that Mr. Bernard fhould repair to England to lay the flate of the prov- ince before him. To this meffage was tacked a requeft from the governor, that as he attend- ed his majefty's pleafure as commander in chief of the province, his falary might be continued, though abfent. The fubftance of the other meffage was an account of general Gage's ex- penditures in quartering his troops in the town of Bofton ; accompanied by an unqualified de- mand for the eftablifhment of funds for the dis- charge thereof. The governor added, that he was requefted by general Gage to make requi- sition for future provifion for quartering his troops within the town.
The fubfequent refolves of the houfe on thefe mefTa°;es were conformable to the ufual fpirit of that affembly. They warmly cenfured
* Journals of the firfl fefllon at Cambridge.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 75
both governor Bernard and general Gage for chap. m. wantonly acting againft the conftitution ; char- ? ged them with making falfe and injurious rep- refentations againft his majefty's faithful fub- jects, and difcovering on all occafions a moft in- imical difpofition towards the colonies. The) obferved that general Gage had rafhlyand imper- tinently intermeddled with affairs altogether out of his line, and that he had betrayed a degree of ignorance equal to his malice, when he pre- fumed to touch on the civil police of the prov- ince. They complained heavily of the arbitrary defigns of government, the introduction of a {landing army, and the encroachments on civil liberty ; and concluded with a declaration re- plete witli fentiments of men conlcious of their own freedom and integrity, and deeply affected with the injuries offered their country. They obferved, that to the utmoft of their pow- er they fliould vindicate the rights of human nature and the privileges of Englifhmen, and explicitly declared that duty to their conititu- ents forbade a compliance with either of thefe meffages. This clear, decided anfwer being delivered, the governor fummoncd the houfe to attend, and after a fhort, angry, and threat- ening fpeech, he prorogued the aflembly to January, one thouiand leven hundred and feventy.
Governor Bernard immediately embarked for Europe, from whence he never more re-
76 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1769.
turned to a country, he had, by his arbitrary difpofition and indifcreet conduct, inflamed to a degree, that required both judgment and pru- dence to cool, perhaps beyond the abilities, and certainly incompatible with the views, of the administration in being.
The province had little reafon to fuppofe, that confiderations of the intereft of the people had any part in the recal or detention of this mifchievous emiffary. His reception at court, the fummary proceedings with regard to his impeachment and trial, and the character of the man appointed to fucceed him, ftrongly counteracted fuch a flattering opinion. Not- withstanding the high charges that had been alleged againft governor Bernard, he was ac- quitted by the king and council, without allow- ing time to the aflembly to fupport their accu- iations, honored with a title, and rewarded with a penfion of one thoufand pounds fterling per annum on the Irifli eftablifliment.
Governor Bernard had reafon to be perfectly fatisfied with the fuccefs of his appointment to the government of Maflachufetts, as it related to his perfonal intereft. His conduct there procured him the fmilcs of the Britiili court, an honorary title, and a penfion for life. Bc- iides this, the legiflature of that province had in the early part of his adminiitration, in a mo- ment of complacency, or perhaps from digefted
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 77
policy, with a hope of bribing him to his duty chap.ih. andftimulatinghim to defend their invaded rights, 176g> made him a grant of a very large trad of land, the whole of the ifland of Mount Deiert. This was afterwards reclaimed by a Madame Gre- goire, in right of her anceftors, who had ob- tained a patent of fome part of that country in the early days of European emigration. But as governor Bernard's property in Amer- ica had never been confifcated, the general af- fembly of MafTachufetts afterwards granted to his fon, Sir John Bernard, who frill poffefies this territory, two townfhips of land near the river Kennebeck, in lieu of the valuable ille recovered by Madame Gregoire.
78 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CHAP. TV.
1769' * CHAPTER IV.
Character of Mr. Hutchinfon Appointed Governor of
Maifachufetts. — The attempted AiTatTmationof Mr.Otis. — Tranfaftions on the fifth of March, one thoufand feven hundred and feventy. — Arrival of the Eaft India Company's Tea-Ships, — Eftabliihment of Committees of Correspondence. — The Right of Parliamentary Taxation without Reprefentation urged by Mr. Hutchinfon. — Ar- ticles of Impeachment refolved on in the Houfe of Re- prefentatives againft Governor Hutchinfon and Lieu- tenant Governor Oliver. — Chief Juftice of the Province impeached. — Bofton Port- Bill. — Governor Hutchinfon leaves the Province,
IT is ever painful to a candid mind to exhibit the deformed features of its own fpecies ; yet truth requires a juft portrait of the public de- linquent, though he may poffefs fuch a ihare of private virtue as would lead us to efteem the man in his domeftic character, while we deteft his political, and execrate his public tranfao tions.
The barriers of the Britiih conftitution brok- en over, and the miniftry encouraged by their fovereign, to purfue the iniquitous fyftem a- gainft the colonies to the moft alarming ex- tremities, they probably judged it a prudent expedient, in order to curb the refractory fpi- rit of the Maflachufetts, perhaps bolder in fen, timent and earlier in oppofition than fome of the other colonies, to appoint a man to prefide
176?.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 79
over them who had renounced the quondam chab.it. ideas of public virtue, and facrificed all princi- ple of that nature on the altar of ambition.
Soon after the recal of Mr. Bernard, Tho- mas Hutchinfon, Efq. a native of Bofton, was appointed to the government of MafTachufetts. All who yet remember his pernicious adminif- tration and the fatal confequences that enfued, agree, that few ages have produced a more fit inflrument for the purpofes of a corrupt court. He was dark, intriguing, infinuating, haughty and ambitious, while the extreme of avarice marked each feature of his character. His abilities were little elevated above the line of mediocrity ; yet by dint of induftry, exact temperance, and indefatigable labor, he became mailer of the accomplifhments necefTary to acquire popular fame. Though bred a merchant, he had looked into the origin and the principles of the Britifli con- ftitution, and made himfelf acquainted with the feveral forms of government eftablimed in the colonies ; he had acquired lbme knowledge of the common lazu of England, diligently ftu- died the intricacies of Machiavclnm policy, and never failed to recommend the Italian maf- ter as a model to his adherents.
Raifed and diftinguifhed by every honor the people could beftow, he fupported for feveral years the reputation of integrity, and generally
80 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OE
chap. rv. decided with equity in his judicial capacity;* *~7ZZ7" and by the appearance of a tenacious regard to the religious inftitutions of his country, he courted the public eclat with the mod profound diffimulation, while he engaged the affections of the lower claffes by an amiable civility and condefcenfion, without departing from a certain gravity of deportment miftaken by the vulgar tor fanclity.
The inhabitants of the MafTachufetts were the lineal defcendants of the puritans, who had ftruggled in England for liberty as early as the reign of Edward the lixth ; and though ob- fcured in the fubfequent bloody perfecutions, even Mr. Hume has acknowledged that to them England is indebted for the liberty me enjoys.f Attached to the religious forms of their anceftors, equally difgufted with the hie- rarchy of the church of England, and prejudiced by the feverities their fathers had experienced before their emigration, they had, both by edu- cation and principle, been always led to con- fider the religious as well as the political cha- racters of thofe they deputed to the higheft truft. Thus a profeffion of their own reli- gious mode of worfhip, and fometimes a tinc- ture of fuperftition, was with many a higher recommendation than brilliant talents. This
* Judge of probate for the county of Suffolk, and chief juitice of the fupreme court.
f Hume's Hiftory of Engfend
1769.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 81
accounts in fome meafure for the unlimited chap iv. confidence long placed in the fpecious accom- plifhments of Mr. Hutchinfon, whofe character was not thoroughly inveftigated until fome time after governor Bernard left the province.
But it was known at St. James's, that in pro- portion as Mr. Hutchinfon gained the confi- dence of adminiilration, he loft the efteem of the beft of his countrymen ; for this reafon, his advancement to the chair of government was for a time poftponed or concealed, left the people fliould confider themfelves iniulted by fuch an appointment, and become too fuddenly irritated. Appearances had for feveral years been ftrong againft him, though it was not then fully known that he had feized the op- portunity to undermine the happinefs of the people, while he had their fulleft confidence, and to barter the liberties of his country by the moft fhamelefs duplicity. This was loon after difplayed beyond all contradiction, by the re- covery of fundry letters to adminiftration un- der his iignature.
Mr. Hutchinfon was one of the firft in Amer- ica who felt the full weight of popular refent- ment. His furniture was deftroycd, and his houfe levelled to the ground, in the tumults occafioned by the news of the ftamp-act. Am- ple compenfation was indeed afterwards made
VOL. I. L
82 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
CHAP. IV
him for the lofs of property, but the ftrong 1770. prejudices againft his political character were never eradicated.
All pretences to moderation on the part of the Britifh government now laid alide, the full appointment of Mr. Hutchinfon to the govern- ment of the Mafiachufetts was publickly announ- ced at the clofe of the year one thoufand feven hundred and fixty-nine. On his promotion the new governor uniformly obferved a more high- handed and haughty tone than his predeceflbr. He immediately, by an explicit declaration, avowed his independence on the people, and informed the legislative that his majefty had made ample provifion for his fupport without their aid or fuffrages. The vigilant guardians of the rights of the people directly called upon him to relinquiih the unconstitutional ftipend, and to accept the free grants of the general affem- bly for his fubfiftence, as ufually praetifed. He replied that an acceptance of this offer would be a breach of his inftructions from the king. This was his conflant apology for every arbitrary ftep.
Secure of the favor of his fovereign, and now regardlefs of the popularity he had formerly courted with fuch avidity, he decidedly rejected the idea of refponfibility to, or dependence on, the peonle. With equal inflexibility he difre- garded all arguments ufed for the removal of the troops from the capital, and permiflion to the
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 8S
CHAP IV.
council and houfe of reprefentatives to return to the ufual feat of government. He filently heard their folicitations for this purpofe, and as if with a defign to pour contempt on their fuppli- cations and complaints, he within a few days after withdrew a garrifon, in the pay of the province, from a ftrong fortrefs in the harbour of Bofton ; placed two regiments of the king's troops in their ftead, and delivered the keys of the caftle to colonel Dalrymple, who then com- manded the king's troops through the province.
Thefe fteps, which feemed to bid defiance to complaint, created new fears in the minds of the people. It required the utmoft vigilance to quiet the murmurs and prevent the fatal confequen- ces apprehended from the ebullitions of popular refentment. But cool, deliberate and perfever- ing, the two houfes continued to refolve, re- monftrate, and proteft, againft the infractions on their charter, and every dangerous innovation on their rights and privileges. Indeed the in- trepid and fpirited conduct of thole, who flood forth undaunted at this early crifis of hazard, will dignify their names fo long as the public records (hall remain to witnefs their patriotic firmncfs.
Many circumftances rendered it evident that the miniftcrial party wilhed a fpirit of oppofi- tion to the deligns of the court might break out into violence, even at the expenfe of blood. This they thought would in fome degree have
1770.
84? THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. iv. fanctioned a meafure fuggefted by one of the
— ZZ — faction in America, devoted to the arbitrary
' ' ' fyftem, " That fome method muft be devifed,
" to take off the original incendiaries* whofe
"writings inftilhd the poilbn of fedition
" through the vehicle of the Bofton Gazette."!
o
Had this advice been followed, and a few gentlemen of integrity and ability, who had fpirit fufficient to make an effort in favor of their country in each colony, have been feized at the fame moment, and immolated early in the conteft on the bloody altar of power, perhaps Great Britain might have held the continent in fubjection a few years longer.
That they had meafures of this nature in contemplation there is not a doubt. Several
* See Andrew Oliver's letter to one of the miniftry, dated February 13, 1769.
f This gazette was much celebrated for the freedom of its dilquilitions in favor of civil liberty. It has been obferved that "it will be a treafury of political intelligence "for the hiftorians of this country. Otis, Thacher, Dex- " ter, Adams, Warren and Quincy, Doctors Samuel " Cooper and Mayhew, ftars of the firft magnitude in our " northern hemifphere, whole glory and brightnefs diftant " ages will admire ; thefe gentlemen of character and in- " fluence offered their firft eifays to the public through " the medium of the Bofton Gazette, on which account " the paper became odious to the friends of prerogative, " but not more difgufting to the tories and high church " than it was pleating to the whigs." See collection of the Maffachufetts Historical Society.
1770.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. SS
inftances of a lefs atrocious nature confirmed chap.iv this opinion, and the turpitude of defign which at this period actuated the court party was clearly evinced by the attempted affaffination of the celebrated Mr. Otis, juftly deemed the firft martyr to American freedom ; and truth will enrol his name among the molt diftinguifh- ed patriots who have expired on the " blood- " ftained theatre of human action."
This gentleman, whofe birth and education was equal to any in the province, poiTefled an eafy fortune, independent principles, a compre- henfive genius, (trong mind, retentive mem- ory, and great penetration. To thefe endow- ments may be added that extenfive profeflional knowledge, which at once forms the character of the complete civilian and the able Itateiman.
In his public fpeeches, the fire of eloquence, the acumen of argument, and the lively (allies of wit, at once warmed the bofom of the and commanded the admiration of his enemies. To his probity and generofity in the public walks were added the charms of affability and improving converfe in private life. His human- ity was confpicuous, his (incerity acknowled I, his integrity unimpeached, his honor unblem- ifhed, and his patriotism marked with the dif- inlereftednefs of the Spartan. Yet he was fuf- ceptible of quick feelings and warm paflions, which in the ebullitions of zeal for the intereft of his country fometime.s betrayed him into
86 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
unguarded epithets that gave his foes an advan- 1770. taSe3 without benefit to the caufe that lay near- eit his heart.
He had been affronted by the partizans of the crown, vilified in the public papers, and treated (after his refignation of office*) in a manner too grofs for a man of his fpirit to pafs over with impunity. Fearlefs of confequences, he had always given the world his opinions both in his writings and his converfation, and had recently publifhed fome fevere ftrichires on the conduct of the commiifioners of the cuf- toms and others of the minifterial party, and bidding defiance to refentment, he fupported his allegations by the fignature of his name.
A few days after this publication appeared, Mr. Otis with only one gentleman in company was fuddenly aflaulted in a public room, by a band of ruffians armed with fwords and bludgeons. They were headed by John Robinfon, one of the commiflioners of the cufloms. The lights were immediately extinguifhed, and Mr. Otis covered with wounds was left for dead, while the aflaffins made their way through the crowd which began to affemble ; and before their crime was difcovered, fortunately for themfelves, they efcaped foon enough to take refuge on board one of the king's fhips which then lay in the harbor.
* Office of judge advocate in governor Bernard's ad- miniftration.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION* 87
In aftate of nature, the favage may throw his poifoned arrow at the man, whofe foul exhibits a tranfcript of benevolence that upbraids his own ferocity, and may boaft his blood-thirfty deed among the hordes of the foreft without difgrace ; but in a high ftage of civilization, where humanity is cherifhed, and politenefs is become a fcience, for the dark anaflin then to level his blow at fuperior merit, and fcreen himfelf in the arms of power, reflects an odium on the government that permits it, and puts human nature to the blufh.
The party had a complete triumph in this guilty deed ; for though the wounds did not prove mortal, the coniequences were tenfold worfe than death. The future ufefulnefs of this diftinguifhed friend of his country was deftroyed, reafon was fliaken from its throne, genius obfcured, and the great man in ruins lived feveral years for his friends to weep over, and his country to lament the deprivation of talents admirably adapted to promote the high- eft intercfts of fociety.
This cataftrophe mocked the feelings of the virtuous not lefs than it raifed the indignation of the brave. Yet a remarkable fpirit of for- bearance continued for a time, owing to the refpect ftill paid to the opinions of this unfortu- nate gentleman, whofe voice though always op- pofed to the ftrides of defpotifm was ever loud againft all tumultuous and illegal proceedings.
1770.
1770.
88 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. iv. He was after a partial recovery fenfible himfelf of his incapacity for the exercife of talents that had fhone with peculiar luftre, and often invoked the mcffenger of death to give him a fudden releafe from a life become burdenfome in every view but when the calm interval of a moment permitted him the recollection of his own integrity. In one of thofe intervals of beclouded rcafbn he forgave the murderous band, after the principal ruffian had afked pardon in a court of juftice ;* and at the interceflion of the gentleman whom he had fo grofsly abuf- ed, the people forebore inflicting that fummary vengeance which was generally thought due to fo black a crime.
Mr. Otis lived to fee the independence of America, though in a ftate of mind incapable of enjoying fully the glorious event which his own exertions had precipitated. After feveral years of mental derangement, as if in confequence of his own prayers, his great foul was in- ftantly fet free by a flafh of lightning, from the evils in which the love of his country had involved him. His death took place in May, one thoufand feven hundred and eighty
* On a civil procefs commenced againft him, John Robinfon was adjudged to pay five thoufand pounds fter- ling damages ; but Mr. Otis deipiiing all pecuniary com. penfation, lelinquifhed it on the culprit's aflcing pardon and fetting his fignature to a very humble acknowledg- ment.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 89
three, the fame year the peace was concluded CHAP- 1V- between Great Britain and America.* 1770.
Though the parliamentary fyftem of colonial regulations was in many inftances fimilar, and equally aimed to curtail the privileges of each province, yet no military force had been ex- prefsly called in aid of civil authority in any of them, except the Maflachufetts. From this cir*
* A fitter touched by the tendered feelings, while fhe has thought it her duty to do juftice to a charafter neg- lected by fome, and mifreprefented by other hittorians, can exculpate herielf from all lulpicion of partiality by the tefti- mony of many of his countrymen who witneifed his private merit and public exertions. But (he will however only fub- join a paragraph of a letter written to the author of thefe an- nals, on the news of Mr. Otis's death, by John Adams, Efq. then minitter plenipotentiary from the United States to the court of France.
"Paris, September loth, 1783. " It was, Madam, with very afflicting ientiments I " learned the death of Mr. Otis, my worthy matter. Extra- * ordinary in death as in life, he has left a character that ** will never die while the memory of the American revolu- « tion remains ; whofe foundation he laid with an energy, " and with thole mafterly abilities, which no other man pof- " feffed."
The reader alfo may not be difpleafed at an extempo- rary exclamation of a gentleman of poetic talents, on hear- in"; of the death of Mr. Otis.
" When God in anger faw tjbe fpot,
" On earth to Otis given, " In thunder as from Sinai's mount, " He fnatch'd him baclt to heaven."
VOL. I. M
90 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
IT 70.
eHAfciv. cumftance fome began to flatter them felves that more lenient difpolitions were operating in the mind of the king of Great Britain, as well as in the parliament and the people towards America in general.
They had grounded thefe hopes on the ftrong affurances of feveral of the plantation governors, particularly lord Botetourt, who then prefided in Virginia. He had in a fpeech to the affembly of the colony, in the winter of one thoufand ieven hundred and fixty-nine, declared himfelf fo confident that full fatisfaction would be given to the provinces in the future conduct of ad- miniftration, that he pledged his faith to fupport to the laft hour of his life the intereft of Amer- ica. He obferved, that he grounded his own opinions and his affurances to them, on the inti- mations of the confidential fervants of the king which authorized him to promife redreis. He added, that to his certain knowledge his fove- reign had rather part with his crown, than pre- ferve it by deception.
The credulity of this gentleman was undoubt- edly impofed upon ; however, the Virginians, ever fteady and fyftematic in oppofition to tyranny, were for a time highly gratified by thofe affurances from their firft magiftrate. But their vigilance was foon called into exer- cife by the mal-adminiftration of a fucceeding governor, though the fortitude of this pat-
1770,
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 91
riotic colony was never fhaken by the frown of cha* w. any defpotic mafter or matters. Some of the * other colonies had liftened to the foothing lan- guage of moderation ufed by their chief execu^ tive officers, and were for a fhort time influen- ced by that, and the flattering hopes held up by the governor of Virginia.
But before the period to which we have arrived in the narration of events, thefe flatter- ing appearances had evaporated with the breath of the courtier. The fubfequent conduct, of adminiftration baffled the expectations of the credulous. The hand of government was more heavily felt through the continent ; and from South Carolina to Virginia, and from Virginia to New Hampfhire, the mandate of a minifter was the fignal for the diflblution of their aflem- blies. The people were compelled to refort to conventions and committees to tranfact all public bufmefs, to unite in petitions for relief, or to take the neceflary preparatory fteps if finally obliged to refill by arms.
In the mean time the inhabitants of the town of Boflon had fuffered almoft every fpecies of jnfult from the Britifh foldiery ; who, counte- nanced by the royal party, had generally found means to fcreen themfelves from the hand of the civil officers. Tims ail authority refted on the point of the fword, and the partizans of the crown triumphed for a time in the plenitude of
1770.
92 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. iv. military power. Yet the mcafure and the mari- ner of polling troops in the capital of the prov- ince, had roufed fuch jealoufy and difguft, as could not be fubdued by the fcourge that hung over their heads. Continual bickerings took place in the ftreets between the foldiers and the citizens ; the infolence of the firfl, which had been carried fo far as to excite the African Haves to murder their mailers, with the prom- ife of impunity,* and the indifcretion of the laft, was often productive of tumults and difor- der that led the moft cool and temperate to be apprehenfive of confequences of the moft feri- ous nature.
No previous outrage had given fuch a gen- eral alarm, as the commotion on the fifth of March, one thoufand feven hundred and feventy. Yet the accident that created a refentment which emboldened the timid, determined the wavering, and awakened an energy and deci- fion that neither the artifices of the courtier, nor the terror of the fword could eafily over- come, arofe from a trivial circumftance ; a cir- cumftance which but from the confideration that thefe minute accidents frequently lead to
* Capt. Wilfon of the 29th regiment was detected in the infamous praclice ; and it was proved beyond a doubt by the teflimony of fome refpectable citizens, who declared on oath, that they had accidentally witnefled the offer of reward to the blacks, by fome fubaltern officers, if they would rob and murder their matters.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 93
CHAP. IV.
177(V
the moft important events, would be beneath the dignity of hiftory to record.
A centinel polled at the door of the cuftom houfe had feized and abufed a boy, for cafting- fome opprobrious reflections on an officer of rank ; his cries collected a number of other lads, who took the childifh revenge of pelting the foldier with fnow-balls. The main-guard ftationed in the neighborhood of the cuflom- houfe, was informed by fome perfons from thence, of the rifing tumult. They immediately turned out under the command of a captain Predion, and beat to arms. Several fracas of lit- tle moment had taken place between the foldicry and fome of the lower clafs of inhabitants, and probably both were in a temper to avenge their own private wrongs. The cry of fire was rail- ed in all parts of the town, the mob collected, and the foldiery from all quarters ran through the ftreets fword in hand, threatening and wounding the people, and with every appear- ance of hcftility, they rulhcd furioufly to the centre of the town.
The foldiers thus ready for execution, and the populace grown outrageous, the whole town was juftly terrified by the unufual alarm. This naturally drew out perfons of higher condition, and more peaceably difpofed, to inquire the caufe. Their confirmation can fcarcely be de- fcribed, when they found orders were given to
9h THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1770.
fire promifcuoufly among the unarmed multi- tude. Five or fix perfons fell at the firft fire, and feveral more were dangeroufly wounded at their own doors.
Thefe fudden popular commotions are feldom to be juitified, and their confequences are ever to be dreaded. It is needlefs to make any ob- fervations on the a (fumed rights of royalty, in a time of peace to difperfe by military murder the diforderly and riotous aflemblage of a thoughtlefs multitude. The queftion has fre- quently been can varied ; and was on this occa- fion thoroughly difcuifed, by gentlemen of the firft profeflional abilities.
The remains of loyalty to the fovereign of Britain were not yet extinguished in American bofoms, neither were the feelings of companion, which fhrunk at the idea of human carnage, ob- literated. Yet this outrage enkindled a general refentment that could not be difguifed ; but ev- ery method that prudence could dictate, was uied by a number of influential gentlemen to cool the fudden ferment, to prevent the popu- lace from attempting immediate vengeance, and to prevail on the multitude to retire quietly to their own houfes, and wait the decifions of law and equity. They effecfed their humane pur- pofes ; the people difperfed ; and captain Prel- um and his party were taken into cuftody of the civil magiftrate. A judicial inquiry was at-
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 95
terwards made into their conduct ; and fo far CHAP' Iv from being actuated by any partial or undue 1770. bias, fome of the firft counfellors at law engag- ed in their defence ; and after a fair and legal trial they were acquitted of premeditated or wilful murder, by a jury of the county of Suf- folk.
The people, not difmayed by the blood of their neighbors thus wantonly fhed, de- termined no longer to fubmit to the infolence of military power. Colonel Dalrymple, who commanded in Bofton, was informed the day after the riot in King Street, " that he mull " withdraw his troops from the town within a " limited term, or hazard the confequences."
The inhabitants of the town affembled in Faneuil Hall, where the fubject. was difcu fifed with becoming fpirit, and the people unanimous- ly refolved, that no armed force mould be fuf- fered longer to refide in the capital ; that if the kind's troops were not immediately withdrawn by their own officers, the governor mould be requefted to give orders for their removal, and thereby prevent the neoeffity of more rigorous Heps. A committee from the body was depu- ted to wait on the governor, and requeft him to exert that authority which the exigencies of the times required from the fupreme magiftrate. Mr. Samuel Adams, the chairman of the com- mittee, with a pathos and addrefs peculiar to
96 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1770.
himfelf, expofed the illegality of quartering troops in the town in the midft of peace \ he urged the apprehenfions of the people, and the fatal confequences that might enfue if their re- moval was delayed.
But no arguments could prevail on Mr. Hutchinion ; who either from timidity, or fome more cenfurable caufe, evaded acting at all in the bufinefs, and grounded his refufal on a pre- tended want of authority.* After which, col- onel Dalrymple, wifhing to compromife the matter, confented that the twenty-ninth regi- ment, more culpable than any other in the late tumult, fhould be fent to Caftle Ifland. This conceflion was by no means fatisfactory ; the people, inflexible in their demands, infifted that not one Britifh foldier mould be left within the town ; their requifition was reluctantly complied with, and within four days the whole army decamped. It is not to be fuppofed, that this compliance of Britifh veterans originated in their fears of an injured and incenfed people, who were not yet prepared to refill by arms. They were undoubtedly fenfible they had ex- ceeded their orders, and anticipated the defigns of their matter ; they had rafhly begun the fiaughter of Americans, and enkindled the flames of civil war in a country, where alle- giance had not yet been renounced.
* See extracts of Mr. Hutchinfon's letters, Appendix. No. VIII.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 9?
After 'the hafty retreat of the king's troops, CHAr 1V- Bofton enjoyed for a time, a degree of tranquil- 1770. lity to which they had been ftrangers for many months. The commimoners of the cuftoms and feveral other obnoxious characters retired with the army to Caftle William, and their governor affected much moderation and tendernefs to his country ; at the fame time he neglected no op- portunity to ripen the prefent meafures of ad- miniftration, or to fecure his own intereft, clofely interwoven therewith. The duplicity of Mr. Hutchinfon was foon after laid open by the difcovery of a number of letters under his fignature, written to fome individuals in the Britifh cabinet. Thefe letters detected by the vigilance of fome friends in England, were procured and lent on to America.*
Previous to this event there were many per- fons in the province who could not be fully convinced, that at the fame period when he had put on the guife of companion to his country, when he had promifed all his influence to obtain iome relaxation of the coercive fyftem, that at that moment Mr. Hutchinfon fhould be lb loft to the ideas of fincerity, as to be artfully plot- ting new embarrafhnents to the colonies in general, and the moft mifchievous projects againft the province he was entrufted to gov- ern. Thus convicted as the grand incendiary
* The original letters which detected his treachery- were procured by Docl. Franklin, and publiflied in a pam- VOL. I. N
98 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
177Q.
who had i'own the feeds of difcord, and cher- ifhed the difpute between Great Britain and the colonies, his friends bluflied at the difcove- ry, his enemies triumphed, and his partizans were confounded. In thefe letters, he had ex- prefled his doubt of the propriety of fuffering the colonies to enjoy all the privileges of the parent ftate : he obferved, that " there muft be vxiobridgmentoi Engltfh liberties, in colonial admin- iftration," and urged with malignant art the neceflity of the refumption of the charter of MaiTachufetts.
Through -this and the fucceeding year the Britifh nation were much divided in opinion relative to public meafures, both at home and abroad. Debates and animofities ran high in both houfes of parliament. Many of their beft orators had come forward in defence of Amer- ica, with that eloquence and precifion which
phlet at Bofton. They may ;ilfo be feen in the Britifh Annual Regiller, and in a large collection of historical papers printed in London, entitled the Remembrancer. The agitation into which many were thrown by the tranfmiffion of thefe letters, produced important confequen- ces. DocL Franklin was lhamefully vilified and abufed in an outrageous philippic pronounced by Mr. Wedderburne, afterwards lord Loughborough. Threats, challenges, and duels took place, but it was not discovered by what means thefe letters fell into the hands of Docl. Franklin, -who foon after repaired to America, where he was eminently ferviceable in aid of the public caufe of his native •ountry.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
proved their anceftry, and marked the fpirit of a nation that had long boafted their own free- dom. But reafon an^ argument are feeble bar- riers againft the will of a monarch, or the deter- minations of potent ariftocratical bodies. Thus the fyftem was fixed, the meafures were ripen- ing, and a minifter had the boldnefs to declare pubiickly, that " America mould be brought to " the footftool of parliament,"* and humbled beneath the pedeftal of majefty.
The inhabitants of the whole American con- tinent, appeared even at this period nearly rea- dy for the laft appeal, rather than longer to fub- mit to the mandates of an overbearing minifter of ftate, or the execution of his corrupt deligns. The mafterly writers of this enlightened age, had fo clearly defined the nature and origin of government, the equal claims and natural rights of man, the principles of the Britifh conftitu- tion, and the freedom the fubjeel had a right to enjoy thereby ; that it had become a prevail- ing opinion, that government and legiilation were inftituted for the benefit of fociety at large, and not for the emolument of a few ; and that whenever prerogative began to ftretch its rapa- cious arm beyond certain bounds, it was an in- difpenfable duty to re'ift.
Strongly attached to Great Britain, not only by the impreflion of ancient forms, and the hab-
* Lord North's fpeech in the houle of commons.
583704
99
1770.
100 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1770.
its of fubmiflion to government, but by relig- ion, manners, language, and confanguinity, the colonies ftill flood fufpended in the pacific hope, that a change of miniftry or a new parliament, might operate in their favor, and reftore tran- quillity, by the removal of the caufes and the in- ftruments of their fufferings.
Not yet confcious of her own ftrength, and fcarcely ambitious of taking an independent rank among the nations, America ftill cherifhed the flattering ideas of reconciliation. But thefe expectations were finally diflipated, by the re- peated attempts to reduce the colonies to un- limited fubmiflion to the fupreme jurifdic*tion of parliament, and the illegal exactions of the crown, until by degrees all parliamentary de- cifions became as indifferent to an American ear, as the refcripts of a Turkifh divan.
The tame acquiefcence of the colonies, would doubtlefs have given great advantages to the corrupt party on one fide of the Atlantic, while their afiiduous agents on the other, did not revolt at the meaneft and moft wicked com- pliances to facilitate the defigns of their employ- ers, or to gratify their own inordinate paflion for power and wealth. Thus for a confiderable time, a ftruggle was kept up between the power of one country, and the perfeverance of the other, without a pofiibility of calculating confe- quences.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 101
A particular detail of the altercations between c"Ai' 1V the representatives, the burgefles, and the pro- 2770. vincial governors, the remonftrances of the peo- ple, the refolves of their legiflative bodies, and the diffolution of their alTemblics by the /at of a governor, the prayers of corporate and occupa- tional focieties, or the petitions of more pub- lic and refpectable bodies ; the provocations on the fide of government, and the riotous, and in fome degree, unjustifiable proceedings ot the populace, in almoft every town on the conti- nent, would be rather tedious than entertaining, in a compendious narrative ot the times. It may therefore, be well to pafs over a year or two, that produced nothing but a famenefs of complaint, and a fimilarity of oppolhion, on the one fide ; and on the other, a h Hematic effort, to pufli the darling meafure of an American taxation, while neither party bad much reafon to promife themfelves a fpeedy decifrtm.
It has already been obferved, that the revc-" nue acts which had occafioned a general mur- mur, had been repealed, except a fmall duty on all India teas, by which a claim was kept up to tax the colonies at pleafure, whenever it mould be thought expedient. This was an article ufed by all ranks in America ; a luxury of fuch uni~ verial confumption, thai adminiftration was led to believe, that a monopoly of the fales of tea, might be fo managed, .is to become a productive fource of revenue.
102 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1770.
It was generally believed that governor Hutchinfon had ftipulatcd for the agency for his fons, as they were the firft in commiffion ; and that he had folicited for them, and obtained this odious employment, by a promife, that if they were appointed foie agents to the Eaft India company, the fales Ihould be fo executed as to give perfect Satisfaction, both to them and to administration. All communities furnifh ex- amples of men fufficiently bafe, to fhare in the fpofls of their country ; nor was it difficult to find fuch in every colony, who were ready enough to execute this minifterial job. Thus in confequence of the infmuations of thofe in- terefted in the fuccefs of the meafure, a number of mips were employed by government, to tranfport a large quantity of teas into each of the American colonies. The people throughout the continent, apprized of the defign, and con- fid ering at* that time, all teas a pernicious arti- cle of commerce, fummoned meetings in all the capital towns, and unanimoufly refolved to re- hit the dangerous project by every legal oppo- fition, before they proceeded to any extremi- ties.
The firft itep taken in Bolton, was to requeft the confignees to refufe the commiflion. The inhabitants warmly remonftrated againft the teas being landed in any of their ports, and urg- ed the return of the ihips, without permitting them to break bulk. The commiliioners at
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 103
New York, Philadelphia, and in feveral other CUA?- 1V colonies, were applied to with fimilar requefts ; 1770. moft of them complied. In fome places the teas were ftored on proper conditions, in others, icnt back without injury. But, in Maffiichu- fetts, their difficulties were accumulated by the reftlefs ambition of fome of her own degenerate fons. Not the fmalleft impreflion was made on tiie feelings of their governor, by the united fupplications of tlie inhabitants of Bolton and its environs. Mr. Hutchinfon, who very well knew that virtue is feldom a fufficient rcftraint to the paffions, but that, in fpite of patrotifm, reaibn, or religion, the icale too frequently pre- ponderates in favor of intereft or appetite, per- illed in the execution oi his favorite project. As by force of habit, this drug had become al- moft a necefiaiy article Lemand for
teas in America was aitonifhingly great, and the agents in Bolton, lure of finding pur*;' if once the weed was depofited in their (lores, haughtily declined a refignation of office, and determined when the (hi; ive
and difpofe of their cai ..d.
Before either time or d'feretion had cooled the general difguft, at the intereited and fuper- cilious behaviour of thefe young pupils of in- trigue, the long expected (hips arrived, which were to eftablilh a precedent, thought dangcr- oully confequential. Refolved not to yield to the (matted: veftige of parliamentary taxation,
104 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. iv. however difguifed, a numerous affembly of the 1770 moft refpectable people of Rofton and its neigh- borhood, repaired to the public hall, and drew up a remonftrance to the governor, urging the neceility of his order, to fend back the mips without fullering any part of their cargoes to be landed. His anfwer confirmed the opinion, that he was the inftigator of the meafure ; it irritated the fpirits of the people, and tended more to encreafe, than allay the rifmg ferment.
. A few days after this the factors had the pre-
1773- caution to apply to the governor and council for protection, to enable them to receive and difpofe of their confignments. As the council refilled to ad in the affair, the governor called on colonel Hancock, who commanded a com- pany of cadets, to hold himfelf in readinefs to aflift the civil magiftrate, if any tumult mould arife in confequence of any attempt to land the teas. This gentleman, though profefledly in oppoiition to the court, had ofcillated between the parties until neither of them at that time, had much confidence in his exertions. It did not however appear, that he had any inclina- tion to obey the fummons ; neither did he explicitly refufe ; but he foon after refigned his commifiion, and continued in future, une- quivocally oppofed to the minifterial fyftem. On the appearance of this perfevering fpirit among the people, governor Hutchinfon again reibrted to his ufual arts of chicanery and deception ; he affected a mildnefs of deport-
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 105
ment, and by many equivocal delays detained chap.iv. the mips, and endeavoured to difarm his coun- ,--„ trymen of that manly refolution which was their principal fort.
The ftorage or detention of a few cargoes of teas is not an object in itfelf fufficient to juftify a detail of feveral pages ; but as the fubfequent feverities towards the Maffachufetts were grounded on what the miniftry termed their refraftory behaviour on this occafion ; and as thofe meafures were followed by confequences of the higheft magnitude both to Great Britain and the colonies, a particular narration of the tranfactions of the town of Bolton is indifpenfa- ble. There the fword of civil dilcord was firft drawn, which was not re-fheathed until the emancipation of the thirteen colonics from the yoke of foreign domination was acknowl- edged by the diplomatic feals of the firft powers in Europe. This may apologize, if necefiary, for the appearance of locality in the preceding pages, and for its farther continuance in regard to a colony, on which the bittereft cup of min- ifterial wrath was poured for a time, and where the energies of the human mind were earlier called forth, than in feveral of the fitter Hates.
Not intimidated by the frowns of greatnefs, nor allured by the fmiles of intrigue, the vigi- lance of the people was equal to the importance of the event. Though expectation was equally
vol. i. o
106 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1773.
awake in both parties, yet three or four week* elapfed in a kind of inertia ; the one fide flatter-* ed themfelves with hopes, that as the fhips were fuffered to be fo long unmolefted, with their cargoes entire, the point might yet be obtained ; the other thought it poflible, that fome impref- iion might yet be made on the governor, by the ftrong voice of the people.
Amidlt this fufpenfe a rumour was circulated, that admiral Montague was about to feize the fhips, and difpofe of their cargoes at public auc- tion, within twenty-four hours. This ftep would as effectually have fecured the duties, as if fold at the fhops of the conlignees, and was judged to be only a jineffc, to place them there on their own terms. On this report, convinced of the neceflity of preventing fo bold an attempt, a vaft body of people convened fuddenly and repaired to one of the largeft and moft commo- dious churches in Bolton ; where, previous to any other Ifeps, many fruitless meffages were lent both to the governor and the conlignees, whofe timidity had prompted them to a feclu- fion from the public eye. Yet they continued to refufe any fatisfaclory anfwer ; and while the affembled multitude were in quiet confuta- tion on the fafeft mode to prevent the fale and consumption of an herb, ncxious at leaft to the political conftitution, the debates were inter- rupted by the entrance of thefheriff with an or- der from the governor, ftyling them an illegal af- fembly,and directing their immediate difperfion-
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 107
This authoritative mandate was treated with chap. iv. great contempt, and the fheriff inftantly hifled 1773> out of the houfe. A confufed murmur enfued, both within and without the walls ; but in a few moments all was again quiet, and the lead- ers of the people returned calmly to the point in queftion. Yet every 'expedient feemed fraught with infurmountable diihculties, and evening approaching without any decided refo- lutions, the meeting was adjourned without day.
Within an hour after this was known abroad, there appeared a great number of perfons, clad like the aborigines of the wildcrr.efs, with tom- ahawks in their hands, and clubs on their fhoul- ders, who without the leaft moleftation marched through the ftreets with filent folemnity, and amidft innumerable ipechitors, proceeded to the wharves, boarded the ihips, demanded the keys, and with much deliberation knocked open the chcits, and emptied feveral thoufand weight of the fineft teas into the ocean. No oppofition was made, though furrounded by the king'* ihips ; all was filence and dilinay.
This done, the proceflion returned through the town in^ the fame order and folemnity as obferved in the outlet of their attempt. No other diibrdcr took place, and it was obferved, the ftilleft night enfued that Bofton had enjoy- ed for many months. This unexpected event
108 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1773.
ftruck the minifterial party with rage and afton- ifhment 5 while, as it feemed to be an attack upon private property, many who wifhed well to the public caufe could not fully approve of the meafure. Yet perhaps the laws of felf-pre- fervation might juftify the deed, as the exigen- cies of the times requiredextraordinary exertions, and every other method had been tried in vain, to avoid this difasreeable alternative. Befides it
o
was alleged, and doubtlefs it was true, the peo- ple were ready to make ample compenfation for all damages fuftained, whenever the unconfti- tutional duty fhould be taken off, and other grievances radically redreffed. But there ap- peared little profpecT: that any conciliatory ad- vances would foon be made. The officers of government difcovered themfelves more vin- dictive than ever : animofities daily increafed, and the fpirits of the people were irritated to a degree of alienation, even from their tendereft connexions, when they happened to differ in political opinion.
By the frequent diffolution of the general affemblies, all public debate had been precluded, and the ufual regular intercourfe between the colonies cut off. The modes of legiflative com- munication thus obftructed, at a period when the neceffity of harmony and concert was ob- vious to every eye, no fyftematical oppofition to gubernatorial intrigues, fupported by the king and parliament of Great Britain, was to be ex-
1773.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 109
peeled without the utmoft concord, confidence, chap.™ and union of ail the colonies. Perhaps no fingle ftep contributed fo much to cement the union of the colonies, and the final acquisition of in- dependence, as the eftablifhment of committees of correfpondence. This fupported a chain of communication from New Hampfhire to Geor- gia, that produced unanimity and energy throughout the continent.
As in thefe annals there has yet been no par- ticular mention made of this inftitution, it is but juftice to name at once the author, the ori- gin, and the importance of the meaiure.
At an early period of the contefl, when the public mind was agitated by unexpected events, and remarkably pervaded with perplexity and anxiety, James Warren, Efq, of Plymouth iirit prOpofed this inftitution to a private friend, on a viiit at hi., own houfe.* Mr. Warren had been an active and influential member of the ge ailembly from the beginning of the trou- bles in America, which commenced foon after the demife of George the fecond. The prin- ciples and firmnefa of this gentleman were well known, and the uprightnets of his c r had
fuflicient I to recommend I Jure.
As foon as the propoial was communicated to a number of gentlemen in Bofton, it \\ a-, adopt- ed with zeal, and Spread with the rapidity of
* Samnel Adams, F.fq. of Bollon.
HO THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1773.
enthuilafm, from town to town, and from province to province.* Thus an intercourfe was eflablifhed, by which a fimilarity of opin- ion, a connexion of intereft, and a union of action appeared, that fet oppofition at defiance, and defeated the machinations of their enemies through all the colonies.
The plan fuggcfted was clear and methodical ; it propofed that a public meeting mould be call- ed in every town ; that a number of perfons mould be felected by a plurality of voices ; that they ihould be men of refpectable characters, whofe attachment to the great caufe of Ameri- ca had been uniform ; that they mould be veil- ed by a majority of fuffrages with power to take cognizance of the ftate of commerce, of the in- trigues of toryifm, of litigious ruptures that might create difturbances, and every thing elfe that might be thought to militate with the rights of the people, and to promote every thing that tended to general utility.
The bufinefs was not tardily executed. Com- mittees were every where chofen,who were di- rected to keep up a regular correfpondence with each other, and to give information of all intel- ligence received, relative to the proceedings of
* The general impulfe at this time feemed to operate by fympathy, before confutation could be had ; thus it ap- peared afterwards that the vigilant inhabitants of Virginia had concerted a fimilar plan about the fame period.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. ill
adminiftration, fo far as they affected the inter- eft of the Brkifh colonies throughout America. The truft was faithfully and diligently dileharg- ed, and when afterwards all legiflative authority Was fufpended, the courts of juftice ihut up, and the laft traits of Britifh government annihilated in the colonies, this new inititution became a kind of juridical tribunal. Its injunctions were influential beyond the hopes of its moft faii- guine friends, and the recommendations of committees of correfpondence had the force of law. Thus, as defpotifm frequently fprings from anarchy, a regular democracy fometimes arifes from the fevere encroachments of defpot- ifm.
This inftitution had given fuch a general alarm to the adherents of administration, and had been replete with fuch important conse- quences through the union, that it was juftly dreaded by thofe who oppofed it, and conlider* ed by them as the moft important bulwark oi: freedom. A reprefentation of this eftablim- ment, and its effects, had been tranfmitted to England, and laid before the king and parlia- ment, and Mr. Hutchinfon had received his majefty's difapprobation of the meafurc. With the hope of impeding its farther operation, by announcing the frown and the cenlure of roy* alty, and for the difcuflion of fome other im- portant queftions, the governor had thought proper to convene the council and houfe of
it::<.
112 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1773.
reprefentatives, to meet in January one thou- fand feven hundred and feventy-three.
The aiTembly of the preceding year had patt- ed a number of very fevere refolves, when the original letters mentioned above, written by governor Hutchinfon and lieutenant-gover- nor Oliver were detected, fent back to the Maffachufetts, and laid before the houfe. They had obferved that " the letters contained " wicked and injurious mifreprefentations, de- " figned to influence the minillry and the na- " tion, and to excite jealoufies in the breaft of " the king, againft his faithful fubjecls."* They had proceeded to an impeachment, and unani- moufiy requefted, that his majefly would be pleafed to remove both Mr. Thomas Hutchinfon and Mr. Andrew Oliver from their public func- tions in the province, forever. f But before they had time to complete their fpirited rneaf- ures, the governor had as ufual diflblved the affembly. This was a ftretch of power, and a manifeftation of refentment, that had been fo frequently exercifed both by Mr. Hutchinfon and his predeceffor, that it was never unexpect- ed, and now totally disregarded. This mode of conduct was not confined to the Mafiachuietts ; it was indeed the common fi^nal of refentment exhibited by moil: of the colonial governors :
* See i ith refolve in the feffions of one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-two.
•f- Journals of the houfe.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. US
they immediately diflblved the legi dative afTem- chap. iv. blies on the difcovery of energy, enterprife, or ~ patriotifm, among the members.
When the new houfe of affembly met at Bof- ton the prefent year, it appeared to be compofed of the principal gentlemen and landholders in the province ; men of education and ability, of fortune and family, of integrity and honor ; jealous of the infringement of their rights, and the faithful guardians of a free people.
Their independency of mind was foon put to the tell. On the opening of the new feffion, the firft communication from the governor was, that he had received his majefty's exprels difap- probation of- all committees of correfpondence ; and to enforce the difpleafure of the monarch, he very indifcreetly ventured himfelf to cenfure with much warmth this inititution, and every other Hand that the colonies had unitedly made to minifterial and parliamentary (hvafions. To complete the climax of his own prelumption, he in a long and labored fpeech imprudently agita- ted the grand queltion of a parliamentary right of taxation without reprefentation ;* he en- deavoured tojuftify, boili by law and precedent,
■ry arbitrary ftep that had been taken for ten years paft to reduce the colonies to a difgraceful fubjugation.
* Appendix, No. IX. Extracts from governor Hutchin- fon's letters urging his defigns. VOI,. I. P
114 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
177$.
This gave a fair opening to the friends of their country which they did not neglect, to difcufs the illegality, injuftice, and impolicy of the late innovations. They entered on the de- bate with freedom of inquiry, ftated their claims with clearnefs and precifion, and fup- ported them with fuch reafoning and perfpicu- ity, that a man of lefs hardinefs than Mr. Hutchinfon would not have made a fecond at- tempt to juilify fo odious a caufe, or to gain fuch an unpopular point by dint of argument. But whether owing to his own intemperate zeal, or whether inftigated by his fuperiors on the other iide the Atlantic, to bring on the dif- pute previous to the difclofure of fome extra- ordinary meafures then in agitation, is uncer- tain. However this was, he fupported his opin- ions with induftry and ingenuity, and not dif- couragcd by ftrong oppofition, he fpun out the debate to a tedious and ridiculous length. Far from terminating to the honor of the gover-. nor, his officious defence of adminiftration ferv- ed only to indicate the neceillty of the moll guarded watchfulnefs againft the machinations of powerful and deligning men ; and fanned, rather than checked the amor patriae characf erif- tic of the times.
Soon after this altercation ended, the repre- fen-tative body took cognizance of an affair that had given great difguft, and created much unea- iinefs through the province. By the royal
1773.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 115
charter granted by William and Mary, the gov- chap.iv. ernor, lieutenant-governor and fecretary were appointed by the king ; the council were chofen by the reprefentatives of the people, the gov- ernor being allowed a negative voice ; the judges, jufticcs, and all other officers, civil and military, were left to his nomination, and ap- pointed by him, with the advice and confent of a board of counfellors. But as it is always ■ neceflary in a free government, that the peo- ple fnould retain fome means in their own hands, to clieck any unwarrantable exercife of power in the executive, the legiflature of Maf- fachufetts had always enjoyed the reafonable privilege of paying their own oihcers according to their ability, and the iervices rendered to the public.
It was at this time well known that Mr. Hutchinfon hud fo far ingratiated himfelf as to entitle him to peculiar favor from the crown ; and by a handfome falary from the king, lie w is rendered entirely independent of the peo- ple. His brother-in-law alfo, the lieutenant- governor, had obtained by mifreprefentations, thought by fome to nave been little fhort of nfion which he had long folicited , but chagrin at the detection of his Letters, and the difcovery of his duplicity, foon put a period
* .See lieutenant-eovernor Oliver's affidavit, on the
council books.
H6 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. iv. to a life that might have been ufeful and exem- ]773> Plarv> had he Confined his purfuits only to the domeflic walks of life.
A ftrong family as well as political connexion, had for fome time been forming among thofe who had been writing in favor of colonial reg- ulations, and urging the creation of a patrician rank, from which all officers of government mould in future be felecbed. Intermarriages among their children in the near degree of con- fanguinity before the parties were of age for maturity of choice, had ftrengt hened the union of interefts among the candidates for prefer- ment. Thus by a kind of compact,- almon every department of high truft as it became vacant by refignation, fufpenfion or death, was filled by fome relation or dependent of governor Hutchinfon ; and no other qualification was required except a fupplenefs of opinion and principle that could readily bend to the meaf- ures of the court.
But it was more recently difcovered that the judges of the fuperior court, the near relations or coadjutors of Mr. Hutchinfon, and few of them more fcrupuloufly delicate with regard to the violation of the rights o: their country than himfelf, had taken advantage of the times, and fuccefsfully infinuated that the dignity of their offices mull be fupported by an allowance from the crown iufficient to enable them to execute
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 117
the deiigns of government, exclusively of any dependence on the general affembly. In confe- quence of thefe reprefentations, the judges were appointed to hold their places during the king's pleafure, and a yearly ftipend was granted them to be paid out of the new revenue to be raifed in America.
The general court had not been convened after the full difdofure of this fyftem before the prefent period; ofcourfe no conftitutional op- pofition could be made on the infraction of their charter, until a legal affembly had an op- portunity to meet and deliberate. Uncertain how long the intriguing fpirit of the governor would permit them to continue in exiftence, the fitting affembly judged it neceffary early in the feffion to proceed to a parliamentary in- quiry into the conduct of their judiciary officers. Accordingly the judges of the fupreme court were called upon to receive the grants for their fervices as ufual from the treafury of the prov- ince ; to renounce all unconftitutional falaries, and <"o engage to receive no pay, penlion or emolument in reward of fervices as juftio the court of judicat ure, but from the free grants of the legislative affembly.
Two of" the judge:;, Trowbridge and Roj readily complied with the demand, and relin- quifhed the offeniive flipend. A third was William Cuming, Efq. a gentleman rendered
1773.
118 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1773.
refpectable in the eyes of all parties by his pro- feffional abilities and general integrity. He was a fenfible, modeft man, well acquainted with law, but remarkable for the fecrecy of his opin- ions : this kept up his reputation through all the ebullitions of difcordant parties. He read- ily refigned the royal ftipend without any obfer- vations of his own ; yet it was thought at the time that it was with a reluctance that his taci- turnity could not conceal. By this filent addrefs he retained the confidence of the court faction, nor was he lefs a favorite among the republicans. He was immediately placed on the bench of juftice after the affumption of govern- ment in the Maffachufetts.*
The next that was called forward was Fofter Hutchinfon, a brother of the governor's, a man of much lefs underftanding, and as little public virtue ; in fhort, remarkable for nothing but the malignancy of his heart. He, after much altercation and abufe of the general anembly, complied with a very ill grace with the re qui- fitions of the houfe.
* The talents, the manners, the probity, and the ur- banity of Mr. Cufliing procured his advancement to the fupreme bench under the new conflitution afterwards adopted by the United States. In this Ration he was ufeful to his country, and refpefted by every clafs through all the changes of party and opinion which he lived to fee.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 119
But the chief feat of juftice in this extraordi- nary adminiftration was occupied by a man* unacquainted with law, and ignorant of the iirft principles of government. He pollened a certain credulity of mind that eafily feduced him into erroneous opinions ; at the fame time a frigid obftinacy of temper that rendered him incapable of conviction. His infinuating man- ners, his fuperficial abilities, and his implicit devotion to the governor, rendered him a fit inltrument to give fanction by the forms of law to the moft atrocious acts of arbitrary power. Equally deaf to the dictates of patriotiim and to the united voice of the people, he perempto- rily refufed to liften to the demands of their reprefentatives ; and boldly declared his rci'olu- tion to receive an annual grant from the crown of England in fpitc of the opinions or refent- mcnt of his country : he urged a> an excufe, the depreciation of his private fortune by his judicial attentions. His ftation was important and influential, and his temerity wasconfid as holding a bribe to execute the corrupt meal- ures of the Britifh court.
The houfe of reprefentatives not interrupted in their fyftem, nor intimidated by the pre- fumption of the delinquent, proceeded direcU) to exhibit articles of impeachment againit I Oliver, Efq. accufing him of high crime, and mifdemeanors, and laid their complaints before
* Peter Oliver, Efq. a brother-in-l.r.v of the governor's.
177H.
120 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1773.
the governor and council. On a divifion of the houfe there appeared ninety-two members in favour of the meafure, and only eight againft it. The governor, as was expected, both from perfonal attachment and a full approbation of Mr. Oliver's conduct, refufed to act or fit on the bufinefs ; of courfe all proceedings were for a time fufpended.
When a detail of thefe fpirited meafures reached England, exaggerated by the colorings of the officers of the crown, it threw the nation, more efpecially the trading part, into a tempo- rary fever. The miniftry rofe in their refent- ment, and entered on the molt fevere fteps againft the Maffachufetts, and more particularly the town of Bofion. It was at this period that lord North ufhered into the houfe of commons the memorable bill for ihutting up the port of Bolton, alfo the bill for better regulating the government of the Maffachufetts.
The port-bill enacted that after the iirft of June one thoufand feven hundred and feventy- four, " Every veffel within the points Alderton " and Nahant, (the boundaries of the harbor of . " Bofton,) mould depart within fix hours, un- "lefs laden with food or fuel." That no merchandize mould be taken in or difcharyed at any of the ftores, wharves, or quays, within thofe limits ; and that any fhip, barge or boat, attempting to convey from other parts of
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 121
America, either ftorcs, goods or merchandize to Bofton, (one of the largcft maritime towns on the continent) fliould be deemed a legal forfeiture to the crown.
This act was oppofed with becoming zeal by feveral in both houfes of parliament, who ftill inherited the generous fpirit of their anccftors, and dared to (land forth the defenders of l.n- glifh liberty, in the molt perilous feafons. Though the cruelty and injuftice i^' this ftep was warmly criminated, the minifter and his party urged the neceflity of ftrong meara nor was it dillicuJt to obtain a large majority to
,ie them. An aburact of an act for die more impartial adminiftration of jufcice in the province oi' Mailachufetts, accompanied the port-bill. Thus by one of thole fc\ Te and dv- bitrar) i many thoufanda oi the befl and moil loyal fubje&s of the houfe of Brunfwick F from the means of fubfift- ence; p< erty ftared in the lace of aflhie] and a long train oi evils threatened ever) rank.
Incriminations were made; the inn were equally involved with the real or imputed guilty, and reduced to fuch dift relies afterwards, that, but from the charitable donations of the other colonies, multitudes mull have ine\ it ally perilhed.
The other bill directed, 'hat on an tndict- ment for riot, refiftance of the magiftrate, or vol. i. Q
1774.
122 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap iv. impeding the laws of revenue in the fmalleft de- — ~ gree, any perfon, at the option of the governor, or in his abfence, the lieutenant-governor, might be tranfported to Great Britain for trial, and there be ordered to wait amidft his foes, the decifions of Grangers unacquainted with the character of the prifoner, or the turpitude of a crime, that mould fubject. him to be tranfported a thoufand leagues from his own vicinity, for a final decifion on the charges exhibited againfl him. Several of the fouthern colonies remon- llrated warmly againft thofe novel proceedings towards the MafTachufetts, and confidered it as a common caufe. The houfe of burgeffes in Virginia vigoroufly oppofed this meafure, and pafTed refolutions expreffing " their exclufive " right to tax their constituents, and their " right to petition their fovereign for redreis u of grievances, and the lawfulnefs of procur- " ing: the concurrence of the. other colonies in " praying for the royal interpofition in favour " of the violated rights of America : and that c< all trials for treafons, or for any crime <c whatfoever, committed in that colony, ought " to be before his majefty's courts within the '' laid colony ; and that the feizing any perfon Ci refiding in the laid colony, fufpecfed of any li crime whatfoever committed therein, and " fending fuch perfon to places beyond the fea " to be tried, was highly derogatory of the " rights Oi BritiHi fubjects."
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 223
Thefe acts were to continue in full force un- til fatisfaction mould be made to the Eaft India company for the lofs of their teas ; nor were any afiurances given, that in cafe of fubmiflion and compliance, they mould be repealed. The indignation which naturally arofe in the minds of the people on thefe unexpected and accumu- lated grievances, was truly inexpreflible. It was frequently obferved, that the only melio- ration of the prefent evils was, that the recal ct Mr. Ilutchinlbn accompanied the bills, and his leaving the province at the fame period the port-bill was to be put in operation, feemed to imprefs a dawn of hope from time, if not from his immediate iucceflbr.
Every hiftorical record will doubtlefs witnefs that he was the principal author of the fufferings of the unhappy Boftonians, previous tothecon- vulfions which produced the revolution. So deeply riveted was this opinion among his en- raged countrymen, that many apprehended the fummary vengeance of an incenled populace would not fuffer fo notorious a parricide to re- pair quietly to England. Yet fuch were the generous and companionate reelings of a people too virtuous to punifh without a legal procefs, that he efcaped the blow he had realon to fear would overtake him, when ftripped uf authority, and no longer acting as the representative ot maje
Chagrined by the lofs of place, mortified by the neglect of fome, and apprehenlive from the
1774.
124 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap. iv. refentment of others, he retired to a fmall vil- 1 la2:e in the neighborhood of Bofton, and fe-
1 774 o o
eluded himfelf from obfervation until he em- barked for London. This he did on the fame memorable day when, by act of parliament, the blockade of Bofton took place. Before his de- parture, the few partizans that ftill adhered to the man and his principles, procured by much amduity a complimentary addrefs, thanking him for paft fervices, and held up to him the idea, that by his talents he might obtain a redrefs of grievances, which they well knew had been drawn on their country by the agency of Mr. Hutchinfon. Much derifion fell on the charac- ter of this group of flatterers, who were long diftinguifhed only by the appellation of Hut- chinfon s addrefjers.
Mr. Hutchinfon furnifhed with thefe pitiful credentials, left his native country forever. On his arrival in England, he was juftified and ca- reffed by his employers ; and notwithstanding the criminality of his political conduct had been fo fully evinced by the detection and re- covery of his original letters, his impeach- ment, which was laid before the lords of the privy-council, was confidered by them in a ve- ry frivolous light. A profemonal character, Ly fome thought to have been hired for the pur- pofe, was permitted to abufe the petitioners and their agent in the groffeft terms fcurrility could invent ; and the lords reported, that " the pe-
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. \<25
" tition was groundless, vexatious, and fcanda- " lous, and calculated only for the feditious " purpofes of keeping up a fpixit of difcontent " and clamour in the province ; that nothing " had been laid before them which did or " could, in their opinion, in any manner or in " any degree impeach the honour, integrity, or " conduct of the governor or lieutcnant-gover- " nor ;" who had been at the fame time im- peached.
But the operation of his meafures, while gov- ernor of the Mafl'achufetts, was lb productive of misfortune to Great Britain, as will as to the united colonies, that Mr. Ilutchinfon foon be- came the object of difguft to all parties. He did not live to fee the independence of America eflablifhed, but he lived long enough to repent in bitternefs of foul, the part he had acted againft a country once difpofed to refpeet his character. Aftei his mind had been involved many months in a ftate oi chagrin, diiappoint- nu n; and defpair, he died on the day the riots in London, excited by lord George Gordon, were at the height, in the year one thousand feven hundred and eighty. Thofe of the family who furvived their unhappy father remained in oblcurity in England.
It mult however be acknowledged that gov- ernor Ilutchinfon was uniform in his political conduct. He wa.s educated in reverential ideas
1774.,
J2G THE RlSL AND PROGRESS OF
'4.
of monarchic government, and confidered him- felf the fervant of a king who had entrufted him with very high authority. As a true dif- ciple of paflive obedience, he might think him- felf bound to promote the defigns of his maf- ter, and thus he might probably releafe his confcience from the obligation to aid his coun- trymen in their oppofttion to the encroach- ments of the crown. In the eye of candor, he may therefore be much more excufable, than any who may deviate from their principles and profeflions of republicanifm, who have not been biafled by the patronage of kings, nor influenced in favor of monarchy by their early preju- dices of education or employment,
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 127
CHAPTER V.
General Gage appointed Governor of Maifachufetts. — Gen- eral AfTembly meet at Salem. — A propofal for a Congrefs
from all the Colonies, to be convened at Philadelphia
Mandamus Counfellors obliged to refign. — Refolutions of the General Congrefs. — Occafional obfervations. — The Maifachufetts attentive to the military Difcipline of their Youth. — Suffolk Refolves. — A Provincial Congrefs chofen in the MafTachufetts. — Governor Gage fummons a new Houfe of Reprelentatives.
CHAP.V.
1 HE fpeculatift and the philofophcr frequently obferve a cafual fubordination of circumftances 1774. independent of political decifion, which fixes the character and manners of nations. This thought may be pioufly improved till it leads the mind to view thole caiualties, directed by .i iecret hand which points the revolutions of rime, and decides the fate of empires. The occasional inil ruments for the completion of the grand fyllem of Providence, have fcldom any other itimulus but the bubble of fame, the haft of wealth, or fome contemptible paflion that centres in fclf. Even the boibm of virtue warmed by higher principles, and the man actuated by nobler motives, walks in a narrow fphere'of comprehension. The fcale by which the ideas of mortals are circumfcribed gene- rally limits his willies to a certain point without conlideration, or a juft calculation of extenfive confequences.
12S The rise and progress of
CHAP- v; Thus while the king of Great Britain was
!774# contending with the colonies for a three-penny duty on tea, and the Americans with the bold fpirit of patriotifm refilling an encroachment on their rights, the one thought they only afk- ed a moderate and reafonable indulgence from their foyereign, which they had a right to de- mand if withheld ; on *he other fide, the moft fevere and ftrong meafures were adopted and exercifed towards the colonies, which parliament confidered as only the proper and neceffary chaftifement of rebellious fubjecls. Thus on the eve of one of the moft remarkable revolutions recorded in the page of hiftory, a revolution which Great Britain precipitated by her indif- cretion, and which the hardieft fons of America viewed in the beginning of opposition as a work referved for the enterprifmg hand of pofterity, few on either fide comprehended the magnitude of the conteft, and fewer ftill had the courage to name the independence of the American colonies as the ultimatum of their defigns.
After the fpirits of men had been wrought up to a high tone of refentment, by repeated injuries on the one hand, and an open refinance on the other, there was little reafon to expect a ready compliance with regulations, repugnant to the feelings, the principles, and the inter- eft of Americans. The parliament of Britain therefore thought it expedient to enforce obe- dience by the fword, and determined to fend
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 129
out an armament fufficient for the purpofe, early in the fpring one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-four. The fubjugation of the col- onies by arms, was yet confidered in England by fome as a work of fuch facility, that four or live regiments, with a few fhips of the line, were equal to the bufinefs, provided they were com- manded by officers who had not fagacity enough to judge of the impropriety of the meafures of adminiftration, nor humanity to feel for the miferies of the people, or liberality to endeavour to mitigate the rigors of government. In confequence of this opinion, admiral Montague was recalled from Bofton, and admiral Graves appointed to fucceed, whofe character was known to be more avaricious, fevere and vigi- lant than his predeceflbr, and in all rcipects a more fit inilrument to execute the weak, indi- gefted and irritating fyftem.
General Gage, unhappily for himfelf, as will appear in the fequel, was felected as a proper perfon to take the command of all his majeity's forces in North America, and reduce the country to fubmuiion. lie had married a lady of re- fpectablc connexions in New York, and had held with confiderable reputation for feveral years a military employment in the colonies. He was at this time appointed governor and commander in chief of the province of Mafia* chuletts Bay ; directed to repair immediately there, and on his arrival to remove the feat of
VOL. I. R
1774.
130 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1774.
government from Bofton, and to convene the general affembly to meet at Salem, a (mailer town, fituated about twenty miles from the capital. The governor, the lieutenant-governor, the fecretary, the board of commiffioners, and all crown officers were ordered by fpecial man- date to leave Bofton, and make the town of Salem the place of their future refidence.
A few days before the annual election for May, one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-four, the new governor of the Maffachufetts arrived. He was received by the inhabitants of Bofton with the fame refpect that had been ufually fliewn to thofe, who were dignified by the title of the king's reprefentative. An elegant enter- tainment was provided at Faneuil Hall, to which he was efcorted by a company of cadets, and attended with great civility by the magif- trates and principal gentlemen of the town ; and though jealoufy, difguft and refentment burnt in the bofom of one party, and the moft unwarrantable defigns occupied the thoughts of the other, yet the appearance of politenefs and good humor was kept up through the etiquette of the day.
The week following was the anniverfary of the general election, agreeable to charter. The day was ufhered in with the ufual parade, and the houfe of reprefentatives proceeded to bufi- nefs in the common form : but a fpecimen of
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 131
the meafurcs to be expected from the new ad- miniftration appeared in the firft act of authority recorded of governor Gage. A lilt of counfel- lors was prefented for his approbation, from which he erafed the names of thirteen srcntle-
o
men out of twenty-eight, unanimoufly chofen by the free voice of the reprefentatives of the people, leaving only a quorum as eftablifhed by charter, or it was apprehended, in the exercife of his new prerogative lie might have annihila- ted the whole. Moft of the gentlemen on the negatived lift had been diftincmiflied for their attachment to the ancient conftitution, and their decided oppofition to the prefent minifterial meafures. Among them was James Bowdoin, Efq. whofe underftanding, difcernment, and confeientious deportment, rendered him a very unfit initrument for the views of the court, at this extraordinary period. John Winthrop, Ilollilian profeilor of mathematics and natural philofophy at Cambridge ; his public conduct was but the emanation of fuperior genius, unit- ed with an excellent heart, as much diftinguifh- ed for every private virtue as for his attachment to the liberties of a country that may glory in giving birth to a man of his exalted character.* Colonel Otis of Barnftable, whofe name has been already mentioned ; and John Adams, a
* Dr. Winthrop was lineally defcended from the firft governor of the Maflachufetts, and inherited the virtues arid talents of his great anceftor, too well known to need any encomium.
1774.
132 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
1774.
barrifter at law of rifing abilities ; his appear- ance on the theatre of politics commenced at this period ; we fhall meet him again in ftill more dignified ftations. Thefe gentlemen had been undoubtedly pointed out as obnoxious to adminiftration by the predeceflor of governor Gage, as he had not been long enough in the province to difcriminate characters.
The houfe of reprefentatives did not think proper to replace the members of council by a new choice ; they filently bore this indifcreet exercife of authority, fenfible it was but a pre- lude to the impending ftorm. The affembly was the next day adjourned for a week ; at the expiration of that time, they were directed to meet at Salem. In the interim the governor removed himfelf,and the whole band of revenue and crown officers deferted the town of Bofton at once, as a place devoted to deftruction.
Every external appearance of refpect was ftill kept up towards the new governor. The council, the houfe, the judiciary officers, the mercantile and other bodies, prepared and offered congrat- ulatory addreffes as ufual, on the recent arrival of the commander in chief at the feat of govern- ment. The incenfe was received both at Bofton and Salem with the ufual fatisfattion, except the addrefs from the remaining board of counfel- lors ; this was checked with afperity, and the reading it through forbidden, as the compofi-
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 133
tion contained fome ftrictures on adminiftra- chap. v. tion, and cenfured rather too freely, for the i»i± delicate ear of an infant magiftrate, the conduct of fome of his predeceflbrs. But this was the laft compliment of the kind, ever offered by ei- ther branch of the legiflature of the Maffachu- fetts to a governor appointed by the king of Great Britain. No marks of minifterial refent- ment had either humbled or intimidated the fpirits, nor fhook the intrepidity of mind necef- fary for the times ; and though it was firft call- ed into action in the Mafiachufetts it breathed its influence through all the colonies. They all feemed equally prepared to fuffer,and equally de- termined to refift in unifon, if no mean but that of abfolute fubmiilion was tobe the teft of loyalty.
The firft day of June, one thoufand feven hundred and feventy-four, the day when the Bofton port-bill began to operate, was obferved in moft of the colonics with uncommon folem- nity as a day of rafting and prayer. In all of them,fympathy and indignation, companion and refentment, alternately arofe in every bofom. A zeal to relieve, and an alacrity to fupport the diftreffed Bojlonians, feemed to pervade the whole continent, except the dependents on the crown, and their partizans, allured by intereft to adhere to the royal caufe. There were in- deed a few others in every colony led to unite with, and to think favorably of the meafures of adminiftration, from their attachment to mon-
134 THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF
chap.v. archy, in which they had been educated ; and j — a fome there were who juftified all things done by the hand of power, either from fear, igno- rance, or imbecility.
The feflion at Salem was of fhort duration, but it was a bufy and an important period. The leading characters in the houfe of reprefent- atives contemplated the prefent moment, re- plete with confequcnccs of the utmoft magni- tude ; they judged it a crifis that required mea- fures bold and decifive, though hazardous, and that the extrication of their country from the deiigns of their enemies, depended much on the conduct of the prefent affembly. Their charter was on the point of annihilation ; a military gov- ernor had juft arrived, with troops on the fpot, to fupport the arbitrary fyftems of the court of St. James.
Thefe appearances had a difagreeable effect on fome who had before co-operated with the patriots ; they began to tremble at the power and the feverity of Britain, at a time when firm. nefs was moft required, zeal indii'penfable, and fecrecy neceflary. Yet thofe who poffeffed the energies of mind requiftte for the completion or the defeat of great deiigns, had not their ardor or resolution fhaken in the fmalleft degree, by either dangers, threats or careffes. It was a prime object to felect a few members of the houfe, that might be trailed moft confidentially
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 135
on any emergence. This talk fell on Mr. Sam- uel Adams of Bofton, and Mr. Warren of Ply- mouth. They drew off a few chofen fpirits, who met at a place appointed for a fecret confer- ence ;* feveral others were introduced the enfuing evening, when a difcuffion of circum- ftances took place. Immediate deciiion, and effectual modes of action were urged, and filch caution, energy and difpatch were obferved by this daring and dauntlefs fecret council, that on the third evening of their conference their bu- iinefs was ripe for execution.
This committee had digefted a plan for a general congrefs from all the colonies, to confult on the common fafety of America ;f named their own delegates ; and as all prefent were convinced of the neceflity and expediency of fuch a convention, they ellimated the expenfe,
* Among- thefe the names of Hancock, Cu flung, and Hawley, of Sullivan, Robert Payne, and Benjamin Green- leaf of Newburyport, and many others, fliould not be forgotten, but ought always to be mentioned with relpect, for their zeal at this critical moment.
f Such a remarkable coincidence of opinion, energy and zeal, cxilled between the provinces of Virginia and the Mallachufetts, that their meafures and refolutions were often fimilar, previous to the opportunity for conference. Thus the propriety of a general congrefs had been difcuf- fedand agreed upon by the Virginians, before they were informed of the refolutions of Maflachufqtts. Some of the other colonies had contemplated the fame raeafure, without ^ny previous